The ASEAN-Japan summit<\/p>\n
Although we fully understand and accept the reasons, we regret
\nthat Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi had to cancel her
\nplanned visit to Jakarta this week following the killing of two
\nJapanese diplomats in Iraq on Saturday. Her visit to Jakarta was
\noriginally to discuss the final preparations for next week's
\nASEAN-Japan summit, which will be cochaired by Prime Minister
\nJunichiro Koizumi and President Megawati Soekarnoputri.<\/p>\n
We believe, however, that the cancellation will not affect the
\nsummit, whose purpose is to commemorate the 30th anniversary of
\nrelations between the regional grouping and Japan. As the
\ndiplomats' death is a sensitive issue in Tokyo at present, we
\nhope that the summit will not be sidelined by Japan's domestic
\nsituation.<\/p>\n
For the first time since its establishment in 1967, the
\nAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will hold its
\nsummit outside the region. Koizumi's initiative is not the first
\nsuch move by a Japanese leader. In the 1970s, for example, prime
\nminister Takeo Fukuda was known for his \"Fukuda Doctrine\" on
\nSoutheast Asia. In 1998, Kiichi Miyazawa launched the US$30
\nbillion \"New Miyazawa Initiative\" to help ASEAN countries face
\nthe economic crisis that had hit the region a year earlier.<\/p>\n
Japan's position as the world's second-most powerful economy
\nafter the U.S., and as the largest investor and biggest donor in
\nthe ASEAN region -- plus the fact that Japan is ASEAN's most
\nimportant trading partner -- makes the summit interesting to
\nwatch. It must be remembered, however, that geopolitical and
\neconomic conditions in this region were totally different in the
\n1970s to the situation that exists at present. A different
\nresponse is therefore needed to the differing challenges.<\/p>\n
Nations in the region are awaiting what concrete results they
\ncan expect from the summit for the advancement of the welfare and
\neconomic progress of both the region and for Japan, and what
\nthose results will mean for the improvement of political
\nstability and security in Asia. Obviously, the hope in the region
\nis that significant progress can be achieved, and we have every
\nreason to believe that Japan is making serious preparations so it
\ncan come up with major workable initiatives to promote its
\nrelations with countries in the region. After all, a stable and
\nprosperous ASEAN is crucial for Japan's own national security and
\neconomic interests.<\/p>\n
According to press reports, Japan is likely to sign the Treaty
\nof Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) during the
\nsummit. China and India, two regional superpower countries in
\nAsia, signed the TAC during the ASEAN Bali summit in October.
\nJapan clearly wants to use the momentum of the Tokyo summit to
\njoin the treaty, although from an ASEAN perspective it would have
\nbeen much better if Japan had signed the document in Bali, on
\nASEAN soil.<\/p>\n
It is encouraging to see significant signs of Japan's economic
\nrecovery after more than 10 years of recession. The magnitude of
\nthe country's economy is proven by the fact that it remains the
\nsecond strongest economy on the planet, despite the steep
\nrecession and deflation it is facing.<\/p>\n
Although China's economy continues to show high growth, and
\nChina is regarded by many as the world's new economic power,
\nJapan's economic role at this point remains the major pillar for
\nAsia, especially ASEAN. The region's economic and trade ties with
\nJapan and that country's huge official development assistance to
\nSoutheast Asian countries are a crucial factor for the region's
\neconomic progress. That role is not likely to change drastically,
\neven in the long run.<\/p>\n
Of course, it would be naive to claim that ASEAN is the most
\nimportant partner for Japan and that therefore Tokyo should
\nconcentrate on the region. Japan at present is a global economic
\nsuperpower, although politically it is widely regarded more as
\none of the most loyal allies of the U.S.<\/p>\n
In the light of all this, we regret, however, to have to note
\nthat Japan's history during the Second World War and its
\noccupation of several countries in this region during that period
\nof its history remain traumatic, haunting not only the individual
\nvictims affected, but their nations as well. This factor often
\ncauses Japan to seem hesitant to play its international role to
\nthe fullest. Even in facing the nuclear crisis on the Korean
\npeninsula, where its national security is at stake, Japan is very
\ncareful in confronting North Korea, which often uses Japan's past
\noccupation of the peninsula as a convenient tool to attack it.<\/p>\n
When the 10 ASEAN leaders -- including Myanmar's Prime
\nMinister Gen. Than Shwe, who received some harsh words of warning
\nfrom Koizumi over the detention of Myanmarese opposition leader
\nAung San Suu Kyi when they met during the Bali summit -- sit
\ntogether with Prime Minister Koizumi on Dec. 11 and Dec. 12, all
\nof them hope that they can return home with good news. This means
\nthat the summit should have a substantive agenda tabled for
\ndiscussion, not just a meeting to strengthen friendship, as some
\ncritics maintain.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
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