Thai government lacks will to fight corruption<\/p>\n
Suthichai Yoon, The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok<\/p>\n
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra isn't going to let the
\nopposition steal the thunder from him over the "fake" compost
\ncorruption scam. Neither will he tolerate the public perception
\nthat he is acting under pressure from ex-PM Anand Panyarachun
\nover this issue.<\/p>\n
It has been quite a challenge for local pundits (a species
\nfast approaching extinction due to multi-pronged pressure) to
\nunderstand how a CEO's mind works, but one never fails to be
\nmystified by the fact that he not infrequently confuses national
\nissues of significant interest with vindictive confrontations.<\/p>\n
Once the country's leader takes criticism personally -- and
\nevery critic's expression of disagreement with the powers-that-be
\nis taken as a personal salvo -- fruitful and constructive debate
\nsimply can't take place. A national common sense of purpose to
\nfight corruption, which formed a very important part of this
\ngovernment's original platform, has thus been sorely thwarted.<\/p>\n
The premier is still trying to reclaim the credit for having
\n"quietly" instructed Deputy Agriculture Minister Newin Chidchob
\n(before he boarded the plane to Mexico to attend the APEC summit
\nlate last month) to look into the fake compost story before the
\nDemocrats exposed the scandal.<\/p>\n
If he had really taken that initiative, it would be
\ninteresting to know why the government mechanism of catching its
\nown thieves was less responsive than that of the opposition
\nwriggling in from the outside. The clues of suspicious collusion
\nare everywhere. And it wasn't until the public began to get
\nalarmed over the "smelly deal" that a handful of bureaucrats were
\nplaced under an official probe.<\/p>\n
The public, however, feels insulted. These people are "small
\nfish", mere "operators" -- the corruption facilitators. We want
\nthe big ones. After all, that's what the staggering mandate of
\ntwo and a half years ago was all about -- it was to give the
\nprime minister the power, the confidence and the legitimacy to
\nhook the crooks in his midst.<\/p>\n
Much to the surprise of some observers (myself not included),
\na deadpan PM turned and asked: Where's the proof?<\/p>\n
Blaming the press for misrepresenting his remarks, the CEO
\nclarified that what he meant was that if he was to press criminal
\ncharges against higher-ups in the ministry, he would need to have
\nmore convincing evidence. But "administratively speaking", he of
\ncourse could mete out punishment without waiting for any
\nsubstantive proof.<\/p>\n
So, what is he waiting for?<\/p>\n
Nobody is quite sure. If he is serious about political
\naccountability or sensitive to how people feel about his counter-
\ncorruption credentials, the Thai Rak Thai leader (his famous pre-
\nelection campaign pledge: "I will crack down on corrupt
\npoliticians without waiting for receipts as proof.") could have
\nchosen this great opportunity to show that he means business.
\nInstead, he has strongly implied that it is "business as usual".<\/p>\n
Under the intoxicating influence of such an unprecedented
\nmajority in the House and virtual control of the country's civil
\nand military establishments, the PM may have developed the
\ndangerous belief that he can muddle through such a crucial
\ncontroversy.<\/p>\n
While an absolute majority in the House could mask temporary
\nmisdeeds of the powers-that-be, trust in the leadership is a
\nstubborn fact of political life. A prime minister can't impose
\ntrust on the people, no matter how decisive his hold on power.
\nThe trumpeting of short-term GDP growth and playing with fiscal
\nnumbers may distract public attention for a while. But it's
\ntrust, or the lack of it, that decides the fate of a leader.<\/p>\n
If the politicians involved in this simple cut-and-dried
\ncompost scam can get away with their dirty manipulations, how are
\nwe to expect this PM to even dare to step into the most
\nsophisticated and systematic corruption linked to serious cases
\nof conflict of interest, which has become the hallmark of this
\nparticular government.<\/p>\n
In fact, the kind of cheating, collusion and under-the-table
\nbribery found in the compost scam is going out of fashion. As a
\nrecent TDRI study found, it's the more discreet form of "policy-
\noriented" corruption that's plaguing the country. It's in this
\nfield that PM Thaksin may find his credibility most vulnerable --
\nhis weakest link, so to speak.<\/p>\n
The PM may want to go down in history as a prime minister with
\na quick mind -- a visionary who turned the country around. He
\nalso wants to be known as an idealist and a statesman of sorts.<\/p>\n
On other occasions, when he finds himself under assault for
\nleaning towards political expediency, he calls himself a
\n"pragmatist" whose ends justify the means. But he can never hope
\nto be recognized as the genuine reformer that he so desperately
\naspires to be unless he can truly appreciate the hard fact that
\npolitical control doesn't automatically translate into public
\ntrust.<\/p>\n
One may be able to buy the former but the price of losing the
\nlatter is irrecoverable.<\/p>",
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