Susilo holds power through policy councils<\/p>\n
Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Every president has his or her own style. Soeharto in his later
\nyears was very hands-off while nevertheless keeping a strong grip
\non the policy thrust of his Cabinet. His ministers were given a
\nfree reign as long as they kept within very strict corridors.
\nWhen he did interject, there was no room for negotiation. His
\nword was law.<\/p>\n
The role of presidential aides under B.J. Habibie superseded
\nthat of Cabinet ministers. Key policies were conceptualized not
\nby the ministers but by confidantes of the same ideological ilk
\nas Habibie.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman Wahid wanted to be a hands-on president but simply
\ncould not grasp anything in a coordinated and cognizant manner.
\nHe may have been visionary and his heart was probably in the
\nright place. Nevertheless, his actions only aggravated rather
\nthan alleviated problems. His inconsistency gave his subordinates
\nnightmares. His management skills were non-existent.<\/p>\n
His successor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, did no better. While
\nenjoying the pomp and pageantry of the presidency, she seemed
\noblivious to details, resulting in embarrassing policy
\nmiscalculations. These small but frequent miscues eventually
\ncontributed to her electoral defeat.<\/p>\n
Now comes Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. A man known for his strict
\nsense of protocol and propriety, and his antipathy to delegating
\npower.<\/p>\n
An anomaly of sorts, Susilo has a reputation of being a strong
\nman, but at the same being naturally indecisive. It was his
\ndesire to please that resulted in a rather uninspiring Cabinet
\nselection last week.<\/p>\n
While key policy decisions could well be a flip-flop affair
\nduring his presidency, it is likely that Susilo will adopt a
\nhands-on approach to his administration.<\/p>\n
The daily running of the government will still be in the hands
\nof the respective ministries. But in areas of strategic national
\nimportance, vital security interests, and the priority areas
\nidentified by the President, there is a strong likelihood that
\nSusilo will want to personally set the agenda and ensure his
\ndirectives are strictly implemented.<\/p>\n
One of the ways of implementing direct control and oversight
\nover such a large administration is through the establishment of
\npolicy councils.<\/p>\n
The embryos of the councils are modeled on those at the
\ndisposal of the American president. Since the 1970s, councils
\nhave served as an important arm of the White House in formulating
\nand exercising policy.<\/p>\n
We have heard of Susilo's intention of establishing at least
\ntwo councils -- one for security and the other on the economy. A
\nthird, on domestic policy, should also be considered.<\/p>\n
In practice, a council-by-another-name already exists in the
\nform of the regular coordinating meetings on political and
\nsecurity affairs. The functions of the limited cabinet meetings
\non economic affairs that have been held since the Soeharto era
\nare also akin to those of the proposed economic council.<\/p>\n
But these new councils are expected to become more
\nauthoritative. The primary aim of their establishment will be to
\ncentralize control of policy-making by placing primary
\nresponsibility in the hands of the President and his most trusted
\naides. In other words, policy-making control will be concentrated
\nin the palace. It is unlikely that Susilo will become a
\nfreewheeling policy tsar, but the fact that these councils will
\nafford him a coordinated policy-making apparatus means that they
\nwill be indispensable tools of authoritative governance.<\/p>\n
Each Cabinet minister will react differently to the existence
\nof these councils. Some ministers might specifically seek the a
\ncouncil's involvement in matters pertaining to their respective
\nportfolios as this would bring with it the distinction of
\npresidential interest. Others, especially ministers who are
\nseeking to avoid presidential scrutiny, will try to prevent a
\ncouncil's involvement in those areas perceived as being his or
\nher fiefs.<\/p>\n
At least four key roles may be advanced for the councils. The
\nfirst is to serve as think tanks in developing new proposals in
\nsupport of Susilo's personal agenda. Council meetings would help
\nincrease the capacity of other senior -- outspoken and trusted --
\nministers to provide input to their peers outside of their
\nimmediate portfolios.<\/p>\n
We can imagine, for example, how someone like Sri Mulyani
\nIndrawati would excel in such an environment by providing direct
\neconomic policy input beyond her immediate role as head of the
\nNational Planning Board.<\/p>\n
The second role of the councils is to function as coordinating
\nbodies to integrate the work of various departments and
\ngovernment agencies toward the achievement of a stated agenda.
\nThe councils would also ensure that these goals are being worked
\nfor properly by the relevant department and agencies.
\nConsequently, this would allow for managability and even
\nefficiency in the overall policy-making and implementation
\nprocess.<\/p>\n
The third role is to act as a forum for the development of
\nlegislative strategy on initiatives and bills that would require
\nthe approval of the House of Representatives.<\/p>\n
Ministers in this case would not be left to fend off House
\ncommission scrutiny by themselves. On more sensitive issues, the
\nPresident could also rally the might of the entire executive to
\npush initiatives through the legislature.<\/p>\n
Fourth is serving as mediation forums when policy initiatives
\noverlap at the ministry level, and in the case of other
\nintragovernmental disputes. They provide a means of resolving
\ndisputes behind closed away from the prying eyes of the media.<\/p>\n
A president does not want individual ministers to wash their
\ndirty laundry in public, causing speculation about dissension in
\nthe ranks. "Recalcitrant" ministers would have no choice but to
\nsuccumb to the cachet of the president, as the chairman of the
\ncouncil, or his peers on the council.<\/p>\n
Despite these finer points, there exists a danger of
\nconcentrating power in the hands of a small group of people -- a
\nCabinet within a Cabinet.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, if the Megawati administration was criticized for
\nits lethargy, the exclusive manner in which decisions are to be
\ntaken in the future could eventually create policy bottlenecks
\nand backlogs.<\/p>\n
The author is a staff writer for The Jakarta Post.<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/susilo-holds-power-through-policy-councils-1447893297", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }