Suitable or democratic election?<\/p>\n
The Indonesian Institute of Sciences is now looking at the
\nnation's election system and the political role of the Armed
\nForces (ABRI) upon the request of the head of state. Noted
\nsociologist Soetandyo Wignjosoebroto reminds us that democracy
\nencompasses a broader realm than an election system.<\/p>\n
SURABAYA (JP): Late last month President Soeharto asked the
\nIndonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) to conduct studies on the
\nmost appropriate electoral system for Indonesia and the political
\nrole of the military in the future.<\/p>\n
Expectations are rising that the results of this research will
\nmake a significant contribution to the enhancement of democracy
\nin the political life of this country.<\/p>\n
Any idea coming from the President will never go unnoticed.
\nCommunicated in the setting of a political culture with strong
\nJavanese characteristics, every idea of the President always
\ncarries significance and is always regarded as a parentah alus
\n(veiled instruction). It will thus bring important political
\nimplications and consequences.<\/p>\n
As the studies to be conducted by the science institute are
\nstill in their initial stages, it is not surprising that the
\nentire public discourse on the subject consists only of
\nhypothetical and counter-hypothetical statements. Two major
\nquestions that have been raised over and over are: (1) Is it true
\nthat the district-based electoral system will be capable of
\nensuring truer representation practices as opposed to the
\nproportional system? (2) Is it true that the fewer the appointed
\nrepresentatives from the military in the House of Representatives
\n(DPR), the more representative it will be and the more capable it
\nwill be of doing its job in a democratic manner?<\/p>\n
As to the first question, many have contended that the
\ndistrict-based election system will guarantee democratization of
\nthe House better than the proportional system we have been using
\nup to now. In a district-based election, they say, the electors
\nwill be able to elect their representatives directly, and those
\nelected will have stronger awareness of their responsibility as
\nrepresentatives of their constituents. Consequently, they can be
\nexpected to give priority to their voters' interests rather than
\nto those of the organizations with which they identify
\nthemselves.<\/p>\n
Our question is then whether this will indeed be the case. The
\ncounter-argument to this hypothesis goes as follows: In reality,
\nwhether or not an election can be deemed democratic does not
\ndepend exclusively on the election system used. Instead, it
\ndepends on how freely and confidentially the election is carried
\nout. No matter which election system we use, if the organizers
\ntamper with the process in any way at all, and if the organizers
\nconsist generally of bureaucrats who have their own vested
\ninterests as far as the votes are concerned, it will be difficult
\nto make the general election a totally democratic political
\nprocess.<\/p>\n
As long as the political parties -- which serve as the mouth
\npiece for the aspirations of the people -- do not enjoy freedom
\nof movement, no type of general election can ensure democracy. As
\nlong as the masses of voters are left unattached (floating mass
\ntheory) and can be easily influenced by mass or political
\norganizations that are closely affiliated to government entities,
\nno election will successfully secure democracy. In fact, the
\npolitical parties will become powerless in each of these
\nelectoral districts and unable to compete with political figures
\nwho, nota bene, have survived due to support from the government.<\/p>\n
As to the second question, it is difficult to ascertain
\nwhether a total elimination, or a reduced number, of appointed
\nArmed Forces members in the House will indeed lead to optimal
\ndemocratization. Regardless of the electoral system used, as long
\nas the election itself is nothing more than a formal process for
\nlegitimizing the emergence of particular figures and cadres --
\nmost of whom have been prepared by the government in power -- it
\nwill not matter whether the representatives are appointed or
\nelected. In either case, they will continue to need the blessings
\nfrom the executive branch, whether they belong to the civilian or
\nmilitary group.<\/p>\n
The concepts of democracy and democratization have a scope
\nmuch larger than just the issues of electoral system and the
\nmechanism of appointment of members of the House. Democracy and
\ndemocratization are more a question of commitment, they are far
\nabove and beyond the choice of system and mechanism. Democracy,
\nin the context of a nation and state, requires the full and
\nhonest commitment from politicians to give unrestricted opportu
\nnities to every citizen to participate -- both directly and indi
\nrectly -- in every public or state affair.<\/p>\n
Regardless of the choice of the system and mechanism, in the
\nabsence of goodwill and the commitment to recognize that sover
\neignty should be in the hands of the people, it will be futile to
\nexpect that the process of democratization will take place or
\nthat democracy is truly in the making in this country. Political
\ninstitutions can evolve or they can be modified, but as long as
\nthe basic premises do not change -- from the idea of the state's
\nsovereignty to that of the people's sovereignty, from feudalistic
\npolicies to populist principles -- no institutional change will
\nbring a substantial effect.<\/p>\n
The studies to be conducted by researchers at the science
\ninstitute will make a far more valuable contribution to the
\nIndonesian nation and the people if they are not limited to just
\nexamining the election system and the socio-political role of the
\nArmed Forces in the House. The science institute will also make a
\nmore valuable contribution if it expands the study to cover the
\nquality of commitment of Indonesian politicians to a way of life
\nthat is more democratic than what we have had so far.<\/p>\n
The writer is a professor of sociology at Airlangga
\nUniversity, Surabaya.<\/p>",
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