Succession -- a time bomb?<\/p>\n
By Hendardi<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Presidential succession became a public debate
\nlast month after Admiral Sudomo, the chairman of the Supreme
\nAdvisory Council, said that President Soeharto has always wanted
\na civilian vice president.<\/p>\n
The wish is also shared by a number of people, including Gen.
\nSoemitro, former chief of the powerful Kopkamtib security agency,
\nand noted sociologist, Arief Budiman.<\/p>\n
However, the debate turned sour when Soesilo Soedarman, a
\nsenior minister for political affairs, said that it was not yet
\nthe time to talk about succession. As Orientals, he said, we
\nshould pray for the best (Kompas, May 16, 1995).<\/p>\n
The general election is only two years away and the People's
\nConsultative Assembly convention, to elect a new president and
\nvice president, is three years away. In this relatively short
\ntime we are still expected to shun discussions on succession.
\nGen. Edi Sudradjat, the minister of defense and security, even
\ncalled on the people to leave the matter to the House of
\nRepresentatives.<\/p>\n
Clearly there is a need to clarify the real meaning of
\nsuccession and the growth of political culture around this issue.<\/p>\n
Our concept of succession is blurred. Minister Soesilo
\nSoedarman has said only the Assembly has the authority to carry
\nit over in its upcoming general assembly (the seventh in the New
\nOrder government) in March 1998.<\/p>\n
According to the Constitution, the Assembly holds its general
\nassembly every five years, ratifying the State Policy Guidelines
\nand appointing a president and vice president for the next five
\nyears. Reappointment is possible and the Constitution does not
\nlimit the number of reappointments of a president. President
\nSoeharto has been appointed to six consecutive terms of office.<\/p>\n
His continuous reappointment has rid the nation of a
\nsuccession since early New Order reigned in the mid 1960s.
\nTherefore, succession has not become part of our political
\nculture because we only experienced it once, from President
\nSoekarno to President Soeharto, in the last 50 years.<\/p>\n
So, what we are witnessing now is merely a discussion on
\nsuccession and it is by no means a succession.<\/p>\n
True, that we have been following the Constitution to the
\nletter so far, in the form of reappointment of a candidate. But,
\nreappointment is not a succession.<\/p>\n
Take the recent succession of France's President Francois
\nMitterrand to Jacques Chirac, because Mitterrand has completed
\nthe maximum two terms of office.<\/p>\n
Minister Soesilo maintains that Indonesians are Orientals.
\nThey have a different cultural orientation from Occidentals. We
\nare not used to the blunt revelation of negative aspects in a
\npresidential candidate, he said, it is simply not our bone.<\/p>\n
Indonesia has its own distinct political culture for a
\npresidential election. Not only does it differ from the Oriental
\nculture in such countries as South Korea or the Philippines, but
\nalso from Malaysia which, like Indonesia, is predominantly Malay.<\/p>\n
The political culture of our elite is characterized by the
\nprinciple of \"consensus\" in decision making. It is a far cry from
\nthe voting system. Yet, consensus has colored the process of
\npresidential elections at the Assembly so far.<\/p>\n
Such a culture is now practically abandoned in most Asian
\ncountries. Malaysia recently held a general election and elected
\na prime minister through voting. Mahathir Mohammad's victory was
\nassured when Barisan Nasional, a coalition of 14 parties, won.<\/p>\n
Consensus or deliberations are actually against article 2,
\nparagraph 3, and article 6, paragraph 2, of the 1945 Constitution
\nin respect of resolutions adopted by the House. Both articles
\nstipulate a majority of votes.<\/p>\n
Article 6, paragraph 2, stipulates that \"the President and
\nVice President shall be elected by the House by virtue of the
\nmajority of votes.\" It is obvious that the Constitution does not
\nstipulate a deliberation principle.<\/p>\n
The majority votes principle dictates that each member of the
\nHouse is provided with a vote. But in reality, their individual
\nvote is effectively nullified by the representation of the
\nfaction's vote. It is the faction executives who will decide the
\nnomination of a president and vice president.<\/p>\n
That is what happens in Indonesia. Faction members merge their
\nvotes to the faction and the faction will take care of the final
\nsay.<\/p>\n
This political culture is actually a closed one. Faction
\nmembers and factions are deprived of giving their aspirations
\nfreely. Let alone the nomination of candidates for presidency.
\nDifferences of opinion are ruled out. The lead, in the case of
\nsuccession, to the emergence of an \"heir apparent\" is inevitable.<\/p>\n
If we live this culture, we will soon face a political
\nupheaval. We will soon be engulfed in a sea of guesses and rumors
\nconcerning the issue of presidential succession. We must avoid
\nthe type of succession that will serve as a time bomb.<\/p>\n
Undoubtedly, presidential succession is a very important
\nundertaking. A failure to address this issue publicly, by leaving
\nit to the Assembly, is a sure way to create that time bomb.<\/p>\n
The writer is Director of Communications and Special Programs
\nat the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute Foundation.<\/p>",
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