Students: Wake up to reality<\/p>\n
Irine Hiraswari Gayatri, Researcher, The RIDEP Institute,
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
One alternative apart from so many parties vying for their own
\nself interests may be the students -- if they are not too late in
\nrealizing what is happening.<\/p>\n
A continuous characteristic has underlined the spirit of the
\nIndonesian student movement: The endless discourse on whether
\ntheirs is a \"moral movement\" or \"political movement\".<\/p>\n
Authorities have used the term \"moral movement\" to shut out
\nany attempt to oppose the stability of the regime. The previous
\nNew Order regime also stigmatized the term \"political movement\",
\nassociating it with subversion. Anything \"political\" was
\nnegative. Citizens, including intellectuals and students, were
\nafraid of politics, which has become equal to \"an act of taking
\npower\"; or \"taking advantage of others\".<\/p>\n
Differentiating the concepts of \"moral\" or \"political\"
\nmovements is no longer relevant.<\/p>\n
The term \"moral movement\" refers to those involved in attempts
\nto improve the morale of the surrounding environment. Describing
\nthe 1966 students movement in which he was active, Arief Budiman
\ncited the American cowboy movie, Shane. The cowboy Shane would
\nsuddenly come out of nowhere to exterminate thugs that had long
\nterrorized villagers. He refused the respected position of
\nsheriff and instead rode off into the sunset.<\/p>\n
Arief likened the students to the cowboy, who in 1966 were
\nsaid to be crucial in the ousting of the Old Order regime under
\nSukarno. On one hand, the moral movement represented the people's
\nmandate, who were unsatisfied by The Old Order's incapacity to
\nfeed its citizens. But the \"moral movement\" represented by the
\n1966 student generation also suffered inevitable consequences.<\/p>\n
The students' struggle was only regarded as \"camouflage\"
\ntoward the real means: The transformation of the powers that be
\ninto a new regime, the New Order. Thus, the students' ideal of
\nenlightening people who were suffering, was not achieved.<\/p>\n
History has noted the students' efforts in introducing new
\nvalues in society. The late 1970s saw the beginning of a new
\ncontext in Indonesian politics. Students faced contradictions in
\ntheir ideals. Members of the political elite, who came to power
\nthrough a bloody tragedy, neglected their \"holy\" calls. Some went
\nalong with the newly born regime; others were left behind, and
\nstayed outside the political arena. Hence the moral movement
\ncampaign became more popular among students.<\/p>\n
Indonesia is now facing a high degree of complexities. A need
\nfor fundamental changes, campaigned by various groups, goes
\nunheeded. Students' appeals are no longer effective either. The
\ngovernment, now under the leadership of its fifth president,
\nseems to run its own political agenda without touching the basic
\nissues: Economic recovery and legal supremacy, including the
\nupholding of human rights.<\/p>\n
Will the students confine themselves again within the \"moral
\nmovement\" jargons? Political parties have been unable to conduct
\nits function as a catalyst for people's interests. Non government
\norganizations are vulnerable to their own internal problems.<\/p>\n
Today, one cannot depend on what seems to be the moment. One
\nday, Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung goes to trial, the next day
\nthousands resist the Golkar Party. Another day the Kontras (the
\nindependent Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of
\nViolence) office is attacked, the next day, a new alliance among
\npro-democracy activists is built. And the old guard, thanks in
\npart to international support via economic recovery programs, is
\nstriving to return, and may indeed regain control.<\/p>\n
Plans to re-establish \"political stability\" is now at hand.
\nAnd once the students and pro-democracy activists realize this,
\nit may be too late: Everything that they struggled for could
\nvanish virtually overnight.<\/p>",
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