Sticking to priorities: Involve women in policy making<\/p>\n
Ati Nurbaiti
\nThe Jakarta Post<\/p>\n
Toward the end of this year, we were treated to the laments of
\nPresident Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is beginning to show a
\nsagely side to his personality: He expressed his regret over the
\nmany broadcasts that were "alien to Indonesia's norms and
\nidentity".<\/p>\n
Initially, a minister referred to the "navel", a reference to
\nMTV crooners and their wannabes. A few days later, Susilo
\nidentified his concern: pornografi and pornoaksi.<\/p>\n
While the first term refers to anything close to pornography
\n("I know it when I see it,") -- the second is used more
\nspecifically with regard to "actions or broadcasting of actions
\nof a pornographic nature".<\/p>\n
The President was evidently unaware of media coverage
\nexpressing confidence in his leadership, and that while he might
\nhave a personal dislike of images of bellybuttons because they
\ndisturb his moral fiber, he would surely be able to separate his
\npersonal preferences from state policy.<\/p>\n
Reiterating his concerns over the sexual lure of the navel --
\ntucked away in a woman's abdomen, we presume -- did not do much
\nto boost his popularity ratings.<\/p>\n
Nonetheless, something good may come out of this: In recalling
\nthat Susilo pledged to listen to the people, he and his Cabinet
\nneed only consult women on this particular issue. After all,
\nwomen have been the subjects -- or more precisely, the victims --
\nof policies on morale and reasserting the national or local
\n"identity".<\/p>\n
Women should be pleased with policies supposedly drawn up to
\nmake us a more decent nation. Even if corruption may top the 100-
\nday program, banning pornoaksi would at least be the first step
\nin making women more dignified -- even if it means jailing models
\nwho pose in the buff.<\/p>\n
Let us not delve into the overlapping issue of freedom of
\nexpression here, nor of parental guidance ratings on films such
\nas The Little Mermaid and Aladdin that feature bellybutton-
\nbaring, singing princesses.<\/p>\n
In past heated furors over porn, feminists and media activists
\nhave cited their experience that it usually took the mere banning
\nof a sensual -- or sensuous -- singer to cause a domino-effect
\ncensorship in other issues.<\/p>\n
A new report, Menggalang Perubahan (Mobilizing Change),
\npublished by the Women's Journal Foundation (Yayasan Jurnal
\nPerempuan) puts forth other reasons as to why not all women
\nappreciate "morality policies".<\/p>\n
Featuring case studies from Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, West
\nSumatra and West Java, the report looks into earlier complaints
\nfrom women on local policies that mainly make a fuss over their
\ndress and appropriate curfew -- all for "their own good", as
\nwomen are said to invite all kinds of sin by exposing themselves.<\/p>\n
In Aceh, society is governed according to sharia, and
\nactivists have pointed to what they see as more urgent issues
\nrelevant to enforcing the spirit of Islam: wanton murder and
\ncorruption, the greatest threat to the Acehnese people.<\/p>\n
In short, these women are illuminating issues that are more
\npertinent and in need of government and public attention than the
\nfierce guarding of the moral and spiritual fiber of men under the
\nguise of preserving the chastity of women.<\/p>\n
The trend of enforcing morality regulations -- made suddenly
\npossible with the power vested in regional autonomy -- is
\nsomewhat withdrawing in the regions. But, notes Adriana Venny, an
\neditor of the above report, this was only because the policy had
\nbecome associated with religious fundamentalism, which had lost
\nits attractiveness following several terrorist bombings.<\/p>\n
A priority for next year would be measure our progress,
\nstagnancy or setback regarding a number of goals that the nation
\nhad agreed to fulfill along with the international community,
\nincluding the well-being and welfare of women.<\/p>\n
The year 2005 is the time set to evaluate our progress in
\nachieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which was
\nlaunched at the 2000 United Nations Millennium Summit in New York
\nand of which Indonesia is a signatory.<\/p>\n
The eight MDGs are: eradicate extreme hunger and poverty;
\nachieve universal basic education; promote gender equality;
\nreduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat HIV\/AIDS,
\nmalaria and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability;
\nand develop a global partnership for development.<\/p>\n
Gender equality is seen as vital to achieving the other goals,
\nwhich is why the UN hailed Indonesia's progress in elementary
\neducation: Official figures suggest that, in recent years, the
\nenrollment of girls at elementary and junior high schools has
\nrisen to become more or less equal to that of boys.<\/p>\n
Yet, instilling a basic understanding of the importance of
\ngender equality in society -- from the grassroots to the upper
\ntiers -- seems to be a big job, if policies such as those
\nrestricting women's movement exist on paper, if not in practice.<\/p>\n
In the name of reasserting the original "identities" of the
\nprovinces and regions via policy -- apparently designed without
\nthe input of local women -- restrictions on women have become the
\nmain indicator of a region's "identity" and the simplest way of
\ndisplaying it. So far, it seems this "identity" is anything but
\nwhat the local elite aspires or claims it to be -- both religious
\nand upholding "traditional" values.<\/p>\n
The basic message seems to be: Our women are not on the
\nstreets at night, therefore we're religious, and though this
\nmight be merely symbolic, it's a start to tackling other issues;
\nhandling corruption can come later.<\/p>\n
As in Aceh, however, there is no certainty as to how long
\nlocal policy will take to evolve from harassing and punishing
\nimproperly dressed women to prosecuting corruptors. Then again,
\nif the sharia was really imposed on corruptors and their hands
\nwere cut off, an Aceh official once confided to The Jakarta Post
\nthat "none of the officials would have hands".<\/p>\n
Adriana and Gadis Arivia, another editor of the above report,
\nstress the need for widespread education on gender equality as a
\nfundamental principle -- which would mean getting rid of all
\npolicies that could impede this right.<\/p>\n
Actually, this issue is clearly defined in the MDG convention,
\nbut local policy makers have apparently not been informed of its
\nratification and what that would entail.<\/p>\n
The convention notes that state parties are "to take all
\nappropriate measures, including legislation, to modify or abolish
\nexisting laws, regulations, customs and practices which
\nconstitute discrimination against women". This means that even if
\nwomen in Bali agreed to revive the ancient custom of self-
\nimmolation following their husbands' deaths -- such a move would
\nbe in violation of the convention's spirit of human rights.<\/p>\n
The human species is not homogeneous. The loyalties and
\ninterests of women CEOs and workers, and the wives of the rich
\nand powerful are worlds apart, which complicates the task of do-
\ngooders such as the National Commission of Violence Against Women
\n(Komnas Perempuan) and its vast network of local women's
\norganizations. Many "solidarity" campaigns are still needed to
\nround up the support of women -- and men -- at least against
\ndiscrimination, violence and harassment of women.<\/p>\n
These are the constraints at the heart of our achieving gender
\nequality, a vital part of the MDGs to which we agreed. In
\nevaluating this goal in the coming year and drawing up policies
\nto ensure progress on this issue, President Susilo needs only to
\nlisten to the experience of women -- and put aside his noble
\nintentions to save us from overexposure to that pornographic
\nbellybutton.<\/p>\n
Sidebar<\/p>\n
Ahead of the five-year review of the Millennium Development
\nGoals (MDGs) in 2005, the United Nations Development Fund for
\nWomen (Unifem) has outlined four focus areas crucial to achieving
\ngender equality and women's empowerment. These two issues are
\nconsidered vital to supporting other MDGs, including reducing
\nextreme poverty by 2015.<\/p>\n
2005 focus areas:
\no Reducing "feminized poverty"
\no Ending violence against women
\no Reversing the spread of HIV\/AIDS among women and girls
\no Achieving gender equality in democratic governance in times of
\npeace as well as war<\/p>\n
"Feminized poverty" refers to the dominant face of women among
\nthe poor, such as among our migrant workers, whose contributions
\nhave become more important since the 1997 economic crisis in
\nalleviating poverty and unemployment in their families.<\/p>\n
The Office of the State Minister of Women's Empowerment has
\nannounced its first-100 days program, which also includes
\nincreasing the economic welfare of women, "evaluating" the
\nmigrant repatriation process and increasing counseling and other
\nservices for women and children in conflict areas.<\/p>\n
While details are yet to be provided, in light of reviewing
\nIndonesia's commitment to the MDG, our policies -- or lack
\nthereof -- in several areas should also be evaluated.<\/p>\n
Among these are:<\/p>\n
o Migrant workers<\/p>\n
Women, mostly working as domestic help, have made up 90 percent
\nof Indonesian migrant workers in recent years. As of March 2004,
\nmore than 80,000 migrant workers sent home over US$425 million in
\nearnings. Progress has been slow in raising awareness as to their
\nrights and the responsibilities of the government and host
\ncountries, in addition to those of labor agencies and employers.<\/p>\n
o Domestic help<\/p>\n
While there is still much to be done regarding migrant workers,
\nparticularly in their protection, another key issue is minimum
\nwage for maids and other domestic help, and whether a monthly
\nwage higher than, say, Rp 250,000 ($27.80), would make this a
\nmore attractive occupation compared to migrating overseas to earn
\nat least Rp 1 million for similar work. But discriminatory
\nperceptions, for example that maids cannot be regulated as they
\nare "unskilled" and thus fall into the "informal sector", have
\ncontributed to the continued absence of minimum wage regulations
\nfor domestic work.
\n
\no Implementation of law on domestic violence<\/p>\n
New data from Jakarta-based women's shelter Mitra Perempuan (MP)
\nshows that in over 80 percent of the 200 reported domestic
\nviolence cases it has received, the perpetrators are husbands,
\nex-husbands and other relatives. MP believes the figure is merely
\nthe tip of the iceberg.<\/p>\n
o Conflict areas<\/p>\n
Providing counseling to victims of violence among women and
\nchildren is only one of the basic services needed in conflict
\nareas like Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, where military operations
\nhave continued for the past 18 months. Acehnese have reiterated
\nan urgent need for public space so that various groups, including
\nwomen, could express their concerns, including freedom from fear
\nof intimidation and violence from both sides of the conflict.<\/p>\n
o Continuing safe sex campaigns<\/p>\n
Despite information campaigns on the higher vulnerability of
\nwomen to HIV, HIV\/AIDS workers and activists cite the refusal of
\nmen to wear condoms, among others, as major contributing factors.
\nNational estimates as of November showed that HIV-positive women
\nmade up 21 percent of the 5,701 reported cases, many of whom said
\nthey found out belatedly that their spouses were infected.<\/p>\n
o Women's participation in decision making<\/p>\n
The presence of only 61 women in the 550-member House of
\nRepresentatives reflects the difficulty women face nationwide in
\ncontributing to decision making. Affirmative action advocates
\ncontinue to campaign for a minimum 30 percent quota for women in
\ndecision-making positions, but have been unable to ensure its
\nclear regulation in the law on political parties. -- Ati
\nNurbaiti<\/p>",
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