{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1179335,
        "msgid": "state-must-stay-away-from-religious-debate-1447893297",
        "date": "2005-07-18 00:00:00",
        "title": "State 'must stay away from religious debate'",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "State 'must stay away from religious debate' The government has been pressed by religious leaders and scholars to take a clear stance on religious fanaticism. The Jakarta Post's Hera Diani talked with Abdul Kader Tayob, a professor of Islamic studies from the University of Nijmegen's International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Netherlands. The following are excerpts from the interview. Question: What are your observations of the contemporary Muslim movement in Indonesia?",
        "content": "<p>State 'must stay away from religious debate'<\/p>\n<p>The government has been pressed by religious leaders and<br>\nscholars to take a clear stance on religious fanaticism. The<br>\nJakarta Post's Hera Diani talked with Abdul Kader Tayob, a<br>\nprofessor of Islamic studies from the University of Nijmegen's<br>\nInternational Institute for the Study of Islam in the<br>\nNetherlands. The following are excerpts from the interview.<\/p>\n<p>Question: What are your observations of the contemporary<br>\nMuslim movement in Indonesia?<\/p>\n<p>Answer: What is remarkable about Indonesia is the extent to<br>\nwhich Nurcholish Madjid -- and more recently the Liberal Islam<br>\nNetwork (JIL) -- have thought through modern Islam, so both<br>\nnon-Muslims and Muslims who have different perspectives (are<br>\naccommodated).<\/p>\n<p>It is striking for me to see debates and discussions taking<br>\nplace among academics and the members of non-governmental<br>\norganizations (NGOs)  -- and how Indonesians can step back and<br>\nactually look at Islamic ideas, the history of Islamic thought.<\/p>\n<p>I know Indonesians are worried about radicalization and I do<br>\nnot blame them. You can look at them (radicals) as<br>\nopportunists or a social phenomena. In a way, they are coming<br>\nback from the institutions, they don't have a place in modern<br>\nsociety, so they make a place for themselves.<\/p>\n<p>In a way they are also forcing the limits and challenges of<br>\nthe democratization process. And I think that kind of challenge<br>\nhas to be looked at from a different point of view.<\/p>\n<p>From the state's point of view, it usually wants to control<br>\nradical groups -- the state tend to support the moderate.<br>\nHowever, the state needs to keep its distance from the religious<br>\ndebate as its (involvement) would only cause more trouble. The<br>\nstate cannot make a decision about what is correct or incorrect<br>\nin Islam.<\/p>\n<p>But the state can and should establish limits. You can say<br>\nwhatever you like, but you cannot attack somebody for what they<br>\nare saying. That is the basic liberty that a state can define.<\/p>\n<p>From an intellectual point of view, one has to historicize<br>\nintellectual tradition. You need to look at all Islamic ideas as<br>\ncoming from a particular historical context.<\/p>\n<p>From the little bit I know -- I'm not an expert -- some say<br>\nthat Nurcholish is followed by JIL, but they are actually<br>\ndifferent. When speaking about secularization, for example,  he<br>\nwas speaking about values, issues that brought human values<br>\nsupported by Islam. Therefore, we can take a secular approach to<br>\npolitics, economics, as long as we have (Islamic) values.<\/p>\n<p>But the JIL that I've seen so far seems to have a<br>\nhermeunetical approach.<\/p>\n<p>I have my own sympathy with the liberal, but their approach is<br>\nhermeunetical, which means you cannot choose between one<br>\ninterpretation and another. So, they really will have to accept<br>\nthat there are going to be conservatives, other Muslims who want<br>\nsharia and those who say that sharia is impossible. That is where<br>\nthe state comes in. The state has to allow for all of that, as<br>\nlong as there are some basic values. And that is basically the<br>\nchallenge.<\/p>\n<p>What is the role of the ulema council and its fatwa in the<br>\nstate?<\/p>\n<p>Twenty to 30 years ago, people said that the ulema<br>\norganization was going to disappear. But in fact it has survived.<\/p>\n<p>I think mullahs are playing a role in the public morality<br>\nissue.<\/p>\n<p>In many cases the mullahs agree with the state, so they are<br>\nnot going to play a critical role in the state. But they are also<br>\nresponding to what maybe called a narrow sense of individuals'<br>\nreligious needs. Like, for example, whether Muslims could attend<br>\nChristian celebrations in the early 1980s -- they took a stance.<\/p>\n<p>In that sense, the disbandment of the Indonesian Ulema Council<br>\n(MUI) has been suggested. What do you think?<\/p>\n<p>On the one hand I can see the value of criticism. But on the<br>\nother hand, while the council is not to have the final say, its<br>\nvalue is to bring a consensus and to assure people they are not<br>\nalone.<\/p>\n<p>You cannot reach a consensus in Islam, but you can, maybe,<br>\nreach a basic agreement on something that is essential. And I can<br>\nsee how it might work here, like, for instance, how to decide<br>\nwhen Ramadhan starts.<\/p>\n<p>What about the adoption of sharia law, the caning of gamblers?<br>\nShould the state interfere in that?<\/p>\n<p>When somebody introduces sharia, it should be clear how it<br>\nrelates to other laws. You cannot have sharia without recognition<br>\nof the Constitution. If it was going to be state law, the legal<br>\nimplications for non-Muslims would need to be considered.<\/p>\n<p>Sharia itself is not as comprehensive as people think it is.<br>\nIt doesn't detail legal procedures, nor rehabilitation.<\/p>\n<p>Sharia does not necessarily solve problems, and can cause more<br>\nproblems. It often targets women and is more about punishments<br>\nand restrictions.<\/p>\n<p>People who are applying sharia think they can determine public<br>\nmorality. I think what they do not take into consideration is<br>\nindividual morality, they are not thinking about how to address<br>\nand respond to the various influences in society.<\/p>\n<p>I think the state should interfere in the caning of gamblers<br>\n(in Aceh).<\/p>\n<p>If people want to solve the problems of crimes, lawlessness,<br>\nmorality, I think the approach should be that sharia should add<br>\nvalue to the legal system. Only then would people support it.<\/p>\n<p>Everyone talks about the purification of Islam, both radical<br>\nand liberal groups. How would you bridge the gap between those<br>\ngroups? Is that the state's job?<\/p>\n<p>I don't know whether it's going to be possible to bridge it. I<br>\nthink the diversity of Muslims is an inherent part of Islam.<br>\nDiversity, pluralism these are unavoidable in Islam.<\/p>\n<p>The basic principle in Islamic thought is that when one holds<br>\nan opinion, it is possible that the opinion is wrong.<br>\nUnfortunately, somebody always want to be an authority. But the<br>\nreality is nobody can claim authority. So, right in the heart of<br>\nIslamic thought you will find pluralism.<\/p>\n<p>When people say that Koran says no to pluralism, actually they<br>\nhave not even read the Koran. Because there are verses that are<br>\nnot very clear and verses that appear to be contradictory, but<br>\nMuslim scholars say you have to look at the historical context.<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/state-must-stay-away-from-religious-debate-1447893297",
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