Southeast Asian press needs to retaliate<\/p>\n
Enrico Aditjondro and Solahudin, Southeast Asian Press Alliance,
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
Old habits die hard. Most of us journalists in Southeast Asia
\nunderstand that the state-sponsored press suppression does not go
\naway easily. But when pressure does not go away at all, or even
\nrises, we become restless. In the case of Southeast Asia, the
\nnation leading the attack is the country once regarded as Asia's
\nsafe haven for free speech -- Thailand. As pressure grows in just
\nthe third month of the year, Southeast Asian journalists take up
\ntheir pens and notepads to retaliate.<\/p>\n
Last year, the Thai Journalists' Association (TJA) dubbed 2001
\nas \"the year of media interference\", signifying attempts by Prime
\nMinister Thaksin Shinawatra to both directly and indirectly
\ninterfere with news reporting. The trend, however, seems to
\ncontinue to 2002. In January the Thai government banned the Far
\nEastern Economic Review magazine for its Jan. 10 article on the
\ntensions between Prime Minister Thaksin and King Bhumibol
\nAdulyadej. Thai police even threatened to expel two Bangkok-based
\njournalists working for FEER and blacklisted all foreign
\njournalists working for FEER. In March, due to government
\npressure, distributors withheld the March 2 edition of another
\nprominent foreign magazine, The Economist, which contains an in
\ndepth report on Thailand which again touched on the Royal Palace
\nmatter.<\/p>\n
Domestically, the Defense Ministry on March 4 ordered Smart
\nBomb, the company that licenses airtime on FM 90.5, to
\ndiscontinue programming produced by the Nation Multimedia Group.
\nThe ban followed FM 90.5's broadcast in late February of an
\ninterview with Prasang Soonsiri, who criticized the government's
\nreaction to the FEER debacle. The interview was also aired on
\nNation Channel, however, the broadcast of the interview was
\ninterrupted. While station officials cited unspecified technical
\nproblems, the Nation Multimedia Group blamed political
\ninterference.<\/p>\n
To add to the blow, Thaksin also instructed the Anti-Money
\nLaundering Office to investigate alleged money laundering of
\nleading politicians and journalists, especially those who have
\nbeen critical of his government.<\/p>\n
When the Bush administration expressed concern over press
\nfreedom in his country, Prime Minister Thaksin responded:
\n\"Thailand's sovereignty is our business.\"<\/p>\n
In Malaysia, the government of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad
\nrecently blocked distribution of Newsweek, Time and FEER because
\nit was upset with the magazines' coverage on Islam and terrorism.
\nThe Economist was also under review for its reporting on illegal
\nforeign workers.<\/p>\n
In the Philippines, pressure rarely comes from the state. The
\nAbu Sayyaf Group, a Muslim rebel group in southern Mindanao,
\nmonopolizes most of the attacks. The group's modus operandi
\nagainst journalists includes kidnapping, intimidation and
\nrobbing. On Feb. 8, Arlyn de la Cruz, a local reporter for the
\ncable channel Net 25, called to say she was being kidnapped by an
\narmed group. This kidnap adds to the tally that already exceeds
\n20 cases. Since the Marcos crackdown in 1986 to this day, 37
\njournalists had died in the country due to their reporting.<\/p>\n
Back home in Indonesia, the Jakarta Chapter of the Southeast
\nAsian Press Alliance (SEAPA) recorded 95 cases of attacks against
\nthe press in Indonesia. While it is down quantity-wise from 2000,
\nthe tendency for state pressure rises. In December last year, the
\nMinistry of Communication and Information collaborated with the
\nHouse of Representative to revise the Press Law by inserting a
\nnumber of \"hate sowing\" articles (haatzaai artikelen, courtesy of
\nthe Dutch colonial rule) from the Criminal Code (KUHP). These are
\nthe same articles often used by the former Soeharto regime to
\ncrack down on the press.<\/p>\n
So what is happening? Is there a wave to silence the press in
\nSoutheast Asia? It could be. But it is not a new trend for
\ngovernment to clamp down the press. A new government would try to
\nact nice to the press at the beginning, but once consolidated,
\nthey would try to find ways to get back at controlling the press.<\/p>\n
But time has changed. In the 1980s and early 1990s,
\nsuppression against the press was never retaliated. But
\nexasperation and communication advancement have led to better
\ninternational networking. Nowadays news about a journalist
\ngetting thumped by a police officer in Aceh could reach New York
\nCity within hours, sparking protests and solidarity from various
\ninternational press organizations.<\/p>\n
In Indonesia, the press law revision receives strong
\nopposition from press groups like the Alliance of Independent
\nJournalists (AJI) and SEAPA. The two groups have also monitored
\nall attacks against the press throughout the archipelago.<\/p>\n
In countries where press freedoms are more limited,
\nalternative media are published to counter the state-censored
\ninformation. A group of journalists in Singapore released the
\nThink Center website for putting across more accurate stories.<\/p>\n
Next of the border, journalists also went online to create the
\nMalaysiakini.com for the same purpose. Malaysian broadcast
\njournalists also get their reports out through the independent
\nstation Radiks Radio.<\/p>\n
For Burmese journalists, it is an impossible task to report or
\nbroadcast accurate stories from within their country. So, they do
\nso from outside Burma, publishing the Irawadi magazine and airing
\nthe Radio Free Asia, providing the public with independent
\nreporting, free from country's junta military regime.<\/p>\n
The struggle for press freedom relates closely with Asia's
\neconomic crisis. Prior to 1997, not so many groups discussed
\npress freedom, access to public records or state transparency.
\nBut since July 1997, when the Thai bath fell and affected the
\neconomic crisis, these freedom issues topped the list of
\nprescriptions made by those diagnosing the region's economic
\nmalaise.<\/p>\n
Amartya Sen, the 1998 Nobel Prize Winner for Economics, said
\nthat accurate information is crucial to development and
\nprevention of disaster. Sen wrote that famines have never been
\nfound in places with democracy and press freedoms. \"A free press
\nand the practice of democracy contribute greatly to bringing out
\ninformation that can have an enormous impact on famine
\nprevention,\" he said.<\/p>\n
Back in Thailand, Prime Minister Thaksin is now answering
\nSenate allegations that he had breached constitutional provisions
\nguaranteeing freedom of speech, public's rights to information
\nand individual privacy. The PM faces impeachment if found guilty.<\/p>\n
In Indonesia, the Megawati government will be guaranteed
\nstrong opposition from the press community. We may not be able to
\nteach old dogs new tricks, but we can teach them a lesson.<\/p>",
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