Soedjana leads faculty backing for student movement<\/p>\n
By M.M.I. Ahyani<\/p>\n
BANDUNG (JP): Soedjana Sapiie, a professor at the Bandung
\nInstitute of Technology (ITB), has had to dispel public doubts
\nabout his sincerity in supporting the student reform movement.<\/p>\n
Early in 1997, he was chosen by his peers to chair a committee
\nset up by ITB faculty to decide the college's stance on the
\npolitical turmoil besetting the country. On May 20, he joined
\nthousands of students demonstrating on Bandung streets, and
\nshared their exhilaration the next day when Soeharto quit the
\npresidency.<\/p>\n
Soedjana, 67, fondly known by his students and colleagues as
\nPak John, was the driving force with ITB rector Lilik Hendrajaya
\nbehind the Rectors Forum -- a nationwide association of
\nuniversity rectors and professors that has served as a political
\npressure group.<\/p>\n
Yet some had their reservations about Soedjana because of his
\nassociation with B.J. Habibie, dating back to when the latter was
\nstate minister of research and technology and president of
\nBandung-based PT IPTN aircraft manufacturer. Soedjana's last
\nposition in the company was senior executive vice president for
\nengineering and technology from 1992 to 1995.<\/p>\n
As it turned out, the committee and the forum endorsed a
\nstance supporting students' aspirations.<\/p>\n
Soedjana, who is the first to admit he does not have a
\npolitical background, spoke to The Jakarta Post late last month
\non the student movement.<\/p>\n
Question: Have students been able to maintain the purity of
\ntheir movement?<\/p>\n
Answer: A lot of fundamental changes have taken place since
\nPak Harto resigned. There's no question about the significant
\ncontribution the students made.<\/p>\n
The youths, the students, did not have vested interests that
\nmany other people did. They just wanted to express something that
\nthey really believed in. They were giving a voice to people's
\nconscience. In January (1997), the voice was ignored. But it
\nsnowballed, and the students prevailed, shaping the opinion of
\nthe public, winning the political support needed to bring Pak
\nHarto down.<\/p>\n
Q: About the purity of student movement?<\/p>\n
A: When Pak Harto quit, there was no planning for the future (on
\nthe part of the students). This is where we can see that the
\nstudent movement was pure, that it was not a political movement.<\/p>\n
The students were not ready to face such a situation. That's
\nbecause they were not politicians. They just wanted Soeharto to
\nstep down -- they didn't think about what they wanted after that.<\/p>\n
It's a problem, as well as a sign that students did not have
\npolitical scenarios. What transpired next was (differences of
\nopinion among students and groups) on two matters, namely the
\nlegality and legitimacy (of Habibie's administration).<\/p>\n
At ITB, we thought about this, and we believed there should be
\nan effort to unite those standing on the opposing side. This
\ncould be done only by a person with great leadership... with
\nstatesmanship.<\/p>\n
Q: What about Nahdlatul Ulama chairman Abdurrahman Wahid?<\/p>\n
A: What he has been doing is an act of statesmanship. He was
\nready to swim against the current, willing to do what was not
\npopular. Gus Dur (Abdurrahman) said we should be realistic (and
\ninvolve Soeharto in a dialog for national reconciliation that he
\ninitiated). (He acknowledged) Pak Harto still has a considerable
\nforce.<\/p>\n
Q: Has the Rectors Forum expressed this thought publicly or to
\nthe government?<\/p>\n
A: The main concern of the forum has been how to prevent more
\nvictims from among students, especially during November's Special
\nSession of the People's Consultative Assembly. The... rectors
\nare saying that we do need a national reconciliation.<\/p>\n
Now the forum is working to prepare itself to monitor the
\ngeneral election. This would be effective because it's the only
\nway.<\/p>\n
There are problems, of course, because there are students who
\nare so against the election. This is dangerous; the presence of
\nan extremist group which does not want to compromise. They just
\nwant the current government to be replaced, that the current
\nHouse of Representatives does not have the authority to establish
\ndraft laws.<\/p>\n
They want radical changes. They cannot accept a general
\nelection being held by the current organizers. This is dangerous.<\/p>\n
Q: What are the characteristics of the extremist group?<\/p>\n
A: I remember that in the 1970s, such groups also existed. They
\nsaw things in black and white.<\/p>\n
Such groups reject anything that they consider is not legal,
\nlegitimate. What they want is the establishment of a presidium,
\nthat will hold the elections. They want an overhaul. I worry
\nabout such groups. They are not too big, not too many, but
\nthey're militant.<\/p>\n
They are not able to compromise.<\/p>\n
Q: Is such a stance wrong?<\/p>\n
A: Let's talk about the good and bad, rather than right against
\nwrong. History has shown that extremist activists will be
\nswallowed up by the people. I think this extreme minority will be
\nswallowed up by history, it will cause frustration, hatred,
\nanimosity.<\/p>\n
Such groups have concrete, firm stances which are healthy,
\naccording to their own standard. But they see life as black and
\nwhite. Life isn't like that.<\/p>\n
Q: As a campus administrator, how do you deal with them?<\/p>\n
A: It's difficult. They are a minority but can cause problems at
\ncertain psychological points. They have strong ties among
\nthemselves. It is especially so if they enjoy the support of
\ncertain political groups seeking to exploit them.<\/p>\n
There are two things that we can do (on campuses) -- bring to
\ntheir senses or just ignore them. We know they're there, but
\ntheir number is small. But we have to say to them, don't cause
\nproblems here!<\/p>\n
It would be difficult to change them, they just won't listen
\nto us. But the majority of students are not like that.<\/p>\n
Q: Are there any such groups in Bandung? At ITB?<\/p>\n
A: At the Bandung Institute of Technology, students, together
\nwith their teachers, formulate their ideals, and push for their
\nrealization. The meeting (between reform figures) at
\n(Abdurrahman's residence) in Ciganjur, South Jakarta, is an
\nexample.<\/p>\n
But after that, no ITB students were involved in any
\ndemonstrations. They said this was where they stopped, because
\nthe arena was such, and they had to reposition themselves in a
\nplace that was not extreme in nature.<\/p>\n
They are students who are still pure, and they need strong
\nmoral support. They are open for discussion. They are not
\nextreme, they can accept reality.<\/p>\n
Q: You are close to Habibie. Do you have frequent contact with
\nhim?<\/p>\n
A: Rarely, in fact, never, since he became president. I know him
\nwell, though.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you wish to deliver the academics' views to Habibie
\ndirectly?<\/p>\n
A: If it is possible, yes. Rectors are a group that still has
\ncredibility. They are independent. If they can meet Habibie, I am
\nsure he would listen to them.<\/p>",
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