Sino-RI ties should include defense, security cooperation<\/p>\n
Oei Eng Goan, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
China's foreign diplomacy in 2001, the first year of its 10th
\nfive-year plan for national, economic and social development, has
\ngot into its stride as proven by its successful hosting of the
\nAsia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum meeting in
\nShanghai, its acceptance into the World Trade Organization (WTO)
\nand winning the bid to become the host country for the Olympics
\nin 2008.<\/p>\n
Relations with its neighbors also improved markedly when
\nBeijing and all 10-member countries of the Association of
\nSoutheast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agreed in November to set up the
\nChina-ASEAN free trade area within the next decade.<\/p>\n
This means that Indonesia, the largest member of ASEAN as well
\nas the richest in natural resources, should not miss the
\nopportunity to further enhance bilateral ties with China on the
\nbasis of mutual interest and a win-win situation.<\/p>\n
It is true that Sino-Indonesian trade has developed well over
\nthe past decade following the resumption of full diplomatic ties
\nin 1990 -- from US$1.18 billion in 1990 to $7.47 billion in 2000,
\nwith an increase of 54.5 percent over 1999 and always in
\nIndonesia's favor -- but friendly ties are not based on trade
\nalone. Political and cultural cooperation should also be
\nincluded, especially now that the international community is
\nfacing rapid changes, prompting countries to cooperate more
\nclosely so as to create a more equal balance of power.<\/p>\n
China and Indonesia signed several agreements in November
\nduring Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji's visit to Jakarta,
\ncovering agriculture, fishing, energy and infrastructure. All
\nthis is good, if appropriately and realistically implemented, in
\nthat it will quicken the recovery of Indonesia's economic plight.<\/p>\n
Realistically, because, according to sources, while the
\nJakarta administration plans to build a bridge linking Java and
\nSumatra with China's help, Beijing has instead proposed that,
\nalong with other international financial institutions, it would
\nbe more beneficial and less costly for Indonesia to build a
\nbridge linking Java and Bali.<\/p>\n
In return, China has invited Indonesia to participate in its
\nenergy and gas development in its southern province of Guangdong.
\nBeijing has reportedly hinted to Jakarta that it wants to buy
\nhigh-quality building materials from Indonesia for building and
\nrefurbishing hotels and sports facilities required for the
\nOlympic Games in the coming seven years.<\/p>\n
There is, however, slight mention of bilateral security and
\ndefense cooperation.<\/p>\n
Indonesia's strategic geographic location, lying on the
\ncrossroads between the Indian and Pacific Oceans and bridging
\nAsia and Australia, obviously needs a strong and reliable defense
\nand security capability in maintaining its territorial integrity,
\nas well as cracking down on increasing transnational crimes such
\nas human trafficking, smuggling and piracy.<\/p>\n
Being banned by most of its traditional arms suppliers on the
\ngrounds of violating human rights in its former province of East
\nTimor, Indonesia should turn to China, whose arms industry has
\nwon international recognition, to obtain what it cannot get from
\nWestern countries as a result of the ban.<\/p>\n
Moreover, Indonesia is the world's largest archipelagic
\ncountry, and as such requires a defense capability that is
\nsuitable to achieve cohesive national security and sovereignty,
\nso as to contribute to regional peace and stability, a conducive
\nsituation also needed by China to develop itself to become a
\nworld superpower.<\/p>\n
Hence, Indonesia's armed forces should make use of the
\nopportunity of the growing bilateral ties to modernize its
\nobsolete equipment, especially in its naval force, from China's
\nadvanced military technology and industry.<\/p>\n
Under pragmatic leadership over the past decade, China is
\ncurrently phasing out orthodox communism and the proletarian
\ndictatorship with more democratic and reformative principles
\nintroduced by President Jiang Zemin's Theory of Three
\nRepresentations, focusing on productivity and efficiency,
\nadvancement of culture and learning and political, economic
\ndevelopment that caters to the public interest.<\/p>\n
Present-day China, unlike China in the 1960s, which was
\nallegedly eager to export communism to its neighbors, is an open
\ncountry that is moving toward democracy. Although it still adopts
\ncommunism as its state ideology, it nevertheless exercises a
\nfree-market economy and the majority of its 1.3 billion
\npopulation, especially those in urban areas, have adhered to a
\nmore liberal way of life.<\/p>\n
As the initiators of peaceful coexistence and the 10
\nPrinciples of the Bandung conference of 1955, Indonesia and China
\nshould forge a firmer friendship in a more constructive and
\nfruitful way. And the Jakarta government, for its part, should be
\nmore active in taking up opportunities given by Beijing.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
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