{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1447288,
        "msgid": "should-the-winning-party-lead-the-government-1447893297",
        "date": "1999-07-03 00:00:00",
        "title": "Should the winning party lead the government?",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "Should the winning party lead the government? By Aleksius Jemadu BANDUNG (JP): As the vote count by the General Elections Commission (KPU) approaches its end and victory for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan)) becomes a certainty, speculation about the presidential election has become the hot topic. It is very likely that PDI Perjuangan will not be able to obtain an outright majority of seats in the House of Representatives (DPR).",
        "content": "<p>Should the winning party lead the government?<\/p>\n<p>By Aleksius Jemadu<\/p>\n<p>BANDUNG (JP): As the vote count by the General Elections<br>\nCommission (KPU) approaches its end and victory for the<br>\nIndonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan)) becomes<br>\na certainty, speculation about the presidential election has<br>\nbecome the hot topic.<\/p>\n<p>It is very likely that PDI Perjuangan will not be able to<br>\nobtain an outright majority of seats in the House of<br>\nRepresentatives (DPR). Thus, the nomination of its chairwoman,<br>\nMegawati Soekarnoputri, as the next president faces huge<br>\nchallenges.<\/p>\n<p>For PDI Perjuangan to form a coalition with other reform-<br>\noriented parties, such as the National Awakening Party (PKB) and<br>\nthe National Mandate Party (PAN), is a situation replete with<br>\ndifficulties. If the principle of \"one man one vote\" is applied,<br>\nthere is no guarantee that all legislators from the two parties,<br>\nespecially those from the far right i.e. (Islamic) groups, will<br>\naccept a female president.<\/p>\n<p>At the same time, PDI Perjuangan must convince the 200<br>\nappointed members of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR)<br>\nthat Megawati is an acceptable candidate. This move will be<br>\nnecessary in order for the party to obtain a simple majority of<br>\n351 votes (half of the total 700 MPR members plus one vote). As<br>\nyet, no explicit statement has been forthcoming from the<br>\nIndonesian Military (TNI) that its 38 DPR members will support<br>\nMegawati's presidential nomination.<\/p>\n<p>The biggest challenge for PDI Perjuangan will come from the<br>\ndominant Golkar. The party's presidential candidate, incumbent<br>\nPresident B.J. Habibie stands a good chance of being elected to<br>\nthe post. Support would come from a substantial Golkar presence<br>\nin the legislative body, a possible coalition with the United<br>\nDevelopment Party (PPP) and other Islamic parties, as well as<br>\nsupport from the appointed members of MPR. If TNI decides to give<br>\ntheir support to a Habibie\/Wiranto combination for president and<br>\nvice president, then Megawati's road to the presidency will<br>\nbecome ever more precarious.<\/p>\n<p>Some analysts argue that it is not problematic if the next<br>\npresident does not come from the winning party in the elections.<br>\nThey claim that the aim of the general election was to appoint a<br>\nnew DPR, not to elect a president. Can we accept such an<br>\nargument? What is then the relationship between the general<br>\nelection and the establishment of a popularly supported<br>\ngovernment? What about the legitimacy of a president, whose<br>\npolitical party is not supported by the majority of the<br>\nelectorate? Is she\/he a legitimate leader? If yes, what is the<br>\nbasis of her\/his popular legitimacy?<\/p>\n<p>As far as problems of popular legitimacy are concerned, there<br>\nare some fundamental reasons why the winning party in the general<br>\nelection should be given the first priority to establish and lead<br>\nthe new government.<\/p>\n<p>First, one of the criteria of a democratic government is a<br>\ncongruence between the popular will of the people and the<br>\nfunction of the legislative bodies. During the New Order<br>\npolitical regime such congruence was systematically destroyed<br>\nthrough different forms of political manipulation, including the<br>\nsubjective appointment of MPR members.<\/p>\n<p>In this regard, the MPR was intentionally used (or misused) to<br>\naccomplish the ambitions of the incumbent Soeharto. Can we repeat<br>\nthe same political manipulations in this new era, after we have<br>\nall condemned the Soehartoist paradigm in politics?<\/p>\n<p>The second reason is concerned with the problem of legitimacy.<br>\nWhen we seek to assess the legitimacy of the government's<br>\npolitical authority, what we are actually doing is \"assessing how<br>\nfar it conforms to people's moral values or standards, how far it<br>\nsatisfies the normative expectations they have of it.\" (David<br>\nBeetham, 1996)<\/p>\n<p>The outcome of the general election -- victory for PDI<br>\nPerjuangan -- is a clear indication of the people's desire for a<br>\ntotally new government, with a clear-cut separation from the old<br>\nruling body. This was precisely the reason why the June 7 general<br>\nelection was so urgent and crucial. If the MPR fails to satisfy<br>\nsuch needs, we will only prolong the uncertainty within<br>\nIndonesian politics, with all its attendant negative consequences<br>\nfor the economy.<\/p>\n<p>Third, in electing a president and forming a new government,<br>\nIndonesia must not neglect the aspirations of the international<br>\nmarket. So far, that market has had a very positive reaction to<br>\nthe general election results. This might be related to the market<br>\nplayer's perception that with the defeat of the Golkar Party and<br>\nthe leading position of the reform-oriented PDI Perjuangan, there<br>\nwill be a greater chance for a more accountable and transparent<br>\ngovernment.<\/p>\n<p>The market psychology offers a substantial momentum for<br>\nIndonesia to extricate itself from the current economic crisis.<br>\nIf the next MPR General Session fails to take into account such<br>\nmarket perceptions, there is a fear that we will lose the<br>\nmomentum for a comprehensive economic recovery.<\/p>\n<p>Last but not least, I agree with Jusuf Wanandi that it is now<br>\ntime for Golkar to be an opposition party (The Jakarta Post, June<br>\n25, 1999). Indonesia needs not only a strong opposition force,<br>\nbut also an intelligent one in the legislative bodies. Given its<br>\nlong experience in politics, the Golkar Party is in the best<br>\nposition to take on such an important role.<\/p>\n<p>The Golkar Party would then receive the people's mandate to<br>\nsee if the ruling political parties (PDI Perjuangan and its<br>\ncoalition partners) were consistent with their campaign promises.<br>\nThere is no reason why such a task should be considered less<br>\nnoble and patriotic than being a governing party.<\/p>\n<p>The writer is a lecturer in the Department of International<br>\nRelations at the Catholic University of Parahyangan, Bandung.<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/should-the-winning-party-lead-the-government-1447893297",
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    "sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
    "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
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