Seeking a fit and proper test for RI ambassadors<\/p>\n
Siswo Pramono, Phd Candidate, Australian National University,
\nCanberra, s8851447@student.anu.edu.au<\/p>\n
The House of Representatives retains the constitutional
\nmandate to advise the President whether a candidate is suitable
\nto be appointed as an ambassador. But what does the House
\nCommission I use as a yardstick to determine what is \"fit and
\nproper\" in order to carry out such an important judgment?<\/p>\n
Age was one major factor behind the recent rejection by the
\nHouse of some ambassadorial candidates. For instance, Rezlan
\nIzhar Jenie was considered too young while Abdul Irsan was
\nconsidered too old. But age is irrelevant in the quest to
\ndetermine who is a good diplomat.<\/p>\n
Baron Schelto van Heemstra, the Dutch Ambassador to Indonesia,
\nis 61. Ralph Boyce was 49 when he was confirmed by the U.S.
\nSenate as the ambassador to Indonesia. The two are neither too
\nold nor too young for the job.<\/p>\n
With the on-going reform at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
\nin which many directorates are now headed by career diplomats in
\ntheir early 40s, it is likely that Indonesia will have even
\nyounger ambassadorial candidates. Consequently, a professional
\ndiplomat might serve as ambassador more than once during his or
\nher career.<\/p>\n
The House's rejection of the candidacy of those who had
\npreviously been appointed as ambassadors, too, while logical, is
\ncontrary to international practice. Van Heemstra, for instance,
\nheld various ambassadorial posts in Lusaka, Buenos Aires and
\nParamaribo before serving in Jakarta. This is, therefore, not a
\nunique case to be dismissed in the hearing.<\/p>\n
The hearing by the House is nevertheless an important step to
\nattain effective diplomacy. The improvement of the quality of our
\ndiplomats is in fact a pressing need. There have been incidents
\nthat show the capability, behavior, and lifestyle of some
\ndiplomats had fallen somewhat short of expectations and hence
\nimpeded the achievement of diplomatic goals.<\/p>\n
The immediate goal of our diplomacy is to grab all
\ninternational and domestic opportunities to help Indonesia remove
\nitself from the multi-dimensional crisis. There are tremendous
\nchallenges in attempts to reconcile the political and economic
\nprocess with the international environment.<\/p>\n
At the end of World War II, the victors provided a blueprint
\nof international relations -- the Atlantic Charter. No one
\nprovided such a blueprint for a post-Cold War world. As such, our
\neconomic diplomacy failed to foresee the Asian economic meltdown
\nin 1997. And now, as Indonesia is struggling to survive the deep
\nimpact of the regional crisis, it has to face a new, dangerous,
\nsecurity meltdown in the wake of Sept. 11. Thus, diplomacy is no
\nlonger business as usual.<\/p>\n
But judging the diplomatic profession is a daunting task.
\nThere are \"shoulds\" and \"should nots\" that the House must
\nconsider.<\/p>\n
First, the fit and proper test must not drag the diplomatic
\nprofession into party-politics since this will diminish our
\ndiplomatic capability in international fora. In other words the
\nambassadorial candidates must not seek political support from (or
\nengage in lobbying with) political parties to pass the test.
\nOtherwise, the practitioners of diplomacy will be fragmented by
\nthe competing, if not selfish, partisan politics. An ambassador
\nis the envoy of the whole nation, not the representative of
\npolitical party.<\/p>\n
Second, the constitutional mandate of the House
\nnotwithstanding, the appointment of ambassadors remains the
\nprerogative of the president, as head of state. The appointment
\nof Soemadi D.M. Brotodiningrat as envoy to the U.S., despite
\nobjections from the House, provides a constitutional precedence.<\/p>\n
Last but not least, the House must formulate an objective
\nyardstick for the fit and proper test. This must include an in-
\ndepth observation of the leadership style, intellectual capacity,
\nand personal integrity of the candidate.<\/p>\n
Such personality, according to Harold G. Nicolson, a British
\ndiplomat, in his book Diplomacy, includes truthfulness,
\nprecision, composure, good temper, patience, modesty and loyalty
\n(to the nation). While not forgetting the fact that diplomats are
\nonly human, the test must be able to find in every candidate the
\nevidence of such basic virtues. A good personality will harness
\nthe intellectual capacity.<\/p>\n
Diplomats, like other professionals benefit from special
\ntraining and education. Thus, the test must be able to reveal the
\ncandidate's eagerness to maintain an attitude of learning
\nthroughout life (iducation permanente). This intellectual
\ncapacity provides a strong foundation for the candidate's
\nleadership.<\/p>\n
Leadership is the most important requirement for an ambassador
\nand thus the test must be able to identify the leadership style
\nof the candidates. After all, running a diplomatic mission is an
\nexercise in teamwork, not a one-man show. A good ambassador is a
\ngood manager.<\/p>\n
If the test is to be taken seriously, then the question is:
\nCan the House properly judge the personality, the intellectual
\ncapacity, and the leadership style of a candidate by simply
\nholding one meeting with the candidate, or by listening to the
\ncandidate's presentation for one hour or so?<\/p>\n
Abdul Irsan and Rezlan Izhar Jenie are career diplomats with
\nan outstanding track record and experience. The rejection by the
\nHouse for the sole reason that one is too old and the other is
\ntoo young has raised many questions about the validity of the
\ntest. The point is, the House must have a better yardstick in
\ncarrying out such an important task. Otherwise, good candidates
\nfail, and bad candidates will find ways to pass the test.<\/p>\n
The writer is also an official at the Ministry of Foreign
\nAffairs.<\/p>",
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