Save our democracy<\/p>\n
President Abdurrahman Wahid's threat to dissolve the House of
\nRepresentatives is not without precedent in modern Indonesian
\nhistory. Whenever Abdurrahman broached the subject, in private
\nrather than in pubic, he referred to Decree No. 150, which was
\nissued by president Sukarno on July 5, 1959. This decree, as we
\nshall see, was a watershed in the history of modern Indonesia.<\/p>\n
This decree issued by Sukarno dissolved parliament and put the
\ncountry back under the 1945 Constitution from the Provisional
\n1950 Constitution. The move replaced the parliamentary system of
\ngovernment with the presidential system. With the decree, Sukarno
\nrepossessed many of the political powers which had hitherto been
\nvested in parliament and the prime minister.<\/p>\n
Sukarno, who until that time had been more of a figurehead
\npresident, claimed that he issued the decree to save the country
\nfrom collapse and to maintain its unity. Indeed, the archipelago
\nfound itself in a grave situation at that time. There were
\nrebellions in several regions and the government was ineffective
\nbecause of endless bickering among the main political parties
\nfollowing an inconclusive election in 1955.<\/p>\n
Today, Indonesia is also in a crisis and President Abdurrahman
\nmay rightly blame some of the problems on the House of
\nRepresentatives. The House's infatuation with scrutinizing the
\npowers of the President has often come at the expense of its
\nchief task of enacting legislation. The House has even blocked
\nmany of the economic programs the government pledged to the
\nInternational Monetary Fund it would carry out.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman has accused the House of engaging in a systematic
\ncampaign to unseat him and of exceeding its authority under the
\npresidential system of government. He has said the House acts as
\nif it is operating under a parliamentary system of government.
\nHere he has found a similarity with the situation faced by
\nSukarno in 1959. And by referring to the infamous decree, he has
\nsaid he has a valid precedent to dissolve parliament.<\/p>\n
That is about the only similarity, if we can call it that,
\nbetween the situation in 1959 and the one in 2001. As much as
\npeople disagreed with Sukarno's move, no one could accuse him of
\nviolating the 1945 Constitution. By dissolving parliament, he in
\nfact restored the country's basic laws. President Abdurrahman is
\nalready operating under the amended 1945 Constitution. Nowhere in
\nthis document, even after a series of amendments, can we find any
\narticle that empowers the President to dissolve the House.<\/p>\n
The fact that he even entertained the idea suggests a
\npresident who is willing to bend the Constitution to suit his
\nneeds. The House may have failed in some of its duties, but it is
\ndebatable whether it has exceeded its authority. On the contrary,
\nit is the President who is increasingly showing the disturbing
\ntraits of an erratic, irrational and desperate leader.<\/p>\n
Thankfully, the Indonesian Military (TNI) was quick to dismiss
\nthe proposal as unconstitutional, saying it would not support any
\nmove to dissolve the House. The military's position on this issue
\nis crucial. In 1959, Sukarno found a very willing coconspirator
\nin the Army, without which he would not have been able to wrest
\npower from parliament. Similarly, Abdurrahman would never be able
\nto forge ahead with his plan without the backing of TNI.<\/p>\n
Looking back at our history offers compelling proof that
\nallowing Abdurrahman to dissolve the House would be a tragic
\nmistake. The 1959 decree killed Indonesia's nascent democracy and
\nplunged the country into an authoritarian regime for the next
\nfour decades. Sukarno instituted his Guided Democracy and Army
\ngeneral Soeharto, who rose to power in 1966, ruled by terror and
\nrepression until he was forced from office in 1998.<\/p>\n
The House of Representatives is still far from the ideal
\ndemocratic institution that Indonesia needs. With all of its
\nimperfections the House is still the result of a general
\nelection, the second democratic poll ever held in this country,
\nthe first being in 1955. President Abdurrahman himself is one of
\nthe outcomes of this democratic process. The House, for all its
\nshortcomings, is still a symbol of Indonesia's democracy.<\/p>\n
Indonesia today is still at the bottom of a very long learning
\ncurve to democracy. This process, which began after independence
\nin 1945, was abruptly halted by Sukarno through his infamous
\ndecree in 1959. But at least Sukarno gave the country some 14
\nyears of democracy before taking this step. President Abdurrahman
\nhas not even been in office for 18 months and he is already
\nentertaining the thought of killing democracy in Indonesia for
\nthe second time.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/save-our-democracy-1447893297",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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