Sale of the century: Indonesia<\/p>\n
By Donna K. Woodward<\/p>\n
MEDAN, North Sumatra (JP): \"For Sale: A group of tropical
\nislands. Rich variety of natural resources. Large reserves of
\nmineral, oil and natural gas deposits. Tropical rainforests,
\nbotanical and zoological species, and maritime resources with
\nimmeasurable untapped potential.\"<\/p>\n
\"Land areas of varying sizes and varying degrees of
\nurbanization. Large, eager-to-work population that values
\neducation. No external military or political enemies.<\/p>\n
\"Liabilities include: approximately US$80 billion in public
\ndebt; lack of supporting infrastructure; and several regions with
\npopulations suffering a high frequency of Human-Rights-Abuse
\nsyndrome.<\/p>\n
\"Population with freehold interests eagerly seeking new
\nmanagement team with a demonstrated respect for ethnic and
\nreligious differences and success in initiating labor-intensive,
\nenvironmentally friendly development programs in the context of
\nfair labor practices.\"<\/p>\n
The idea that Indonesia might be touted for sale like a used
\ncar is one that would outrage any Indonesian. A country is more
\nthan a commodity.<\/p>\n
But if President Abdurrahman Wahid's administration does not
\nsoon get its act together, for all practical purposes, Indonesia
\nmay cease to belong to Indonesians. National policy will be
\ndictated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).<\/p>\n
Factories and businesses will be owned by foreign investors or
\nforeign financial institutions. Future domestic income will be
\nowed to international lenders. Aceh and West Papua will belong to
\nthemselves. And Indonesia's greatest intangible asset, her human
\ntalent, may be lost to the international brain drain toward
\nSingapore, Australia and the United States.<\/p>\n
Indonesia's assets far outweigh her liabilities, as is obvious
\nfrom the hypothetical advertisement above. But this could change.<\/p>\n
If the nation's trustees -- led by the President -- do not
\ntake steps to minimize human, environmental and financial losses
\nand optimize orderly development of the country's assets, they
\nmight be better off preparing to sell the country to the Sultan
\nof Brunei or Singapore or George Soros before the country's
\nassets are squandered.<\/p>\n
The environment is being depleted daily, workers are being
\nwasted, the young are growing up malnourished and undereducated
\nand the national debt grows.<\/p>\n
Yet Abdurrahman seems insensitive to the country's state of
\ncrisis. Instead of facing the problems at home, he continues to
\nindulge in expensive foreign escapism.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, subordinate branches of government ignore his
\ndirectives. Either the President is unable to formulate and
\ncommunicate his objectives effectively, or people no longer take
\nhim seriously.<\/p>\n
Run-amok militia and criminal soldiers. Non-performing IBRA
\ndirectors. Ineffectual police. Confused prosecutors. Raging
\ncorruption. Absence of investor confidence. The Soehartos. No
\npresident could be expected to solve all these problems quickly.<\/p>\n
But President Abdurrahman Wahid has been not even been able to
\nset a course for the country. The President is not a stupid man.
\nHe is not deficient in intelligence or character. He loves his
\ncountry. He is not greedily corrupt like some officials. Yet he
\nis failing. A descent into lawlessness and reversion to
\nauthoritarianism are specters on the horizon.<\/p>\n
Indonesia is clearly a nation in crisis.<\/p>\n
Like a woman contemplating the life-saving removal of a
\ncancerous breast, or a man facing the amputation of a mangled,
\nuseless limb, Indonesia's leaders no longer have the luxury of
\nrefusing elective surgery. Indonesia is critically ill.<\/p>\n
No one likes to contemplate drastic action, but President
\nAbdurrahman Wahid must now take extreme nation-saving steps.<\/p>\n
The President has been quite daring in proposing creative but
\nunpopular measures such as trade relations with Israel, when he
\nbelieved these to be in the national interest. Let him be
\nsimilarly courageous in taking reform steps to save the economy,
\nthe legal system and political institutions -- however unpopular
\nthese steps may be at first among the political elite.<\/p>\n
The President cannot afford to let his instincts for creative
\nleadership be sabotaged by a fear of pseudo-nationalistic
\nreactions from political opportunists who lie in wait to replace
\nhim.<\/p>\n
There are numerous national crises that have not responded to
\nstatus-quo oriented solutions. Problems like separatist violence,
\ncorruption and debt, call for new and possibly extreme curative
\nmeasures.<\/p>\n
As an example, consider separatism and regional violence. If
\nthe President continues to intone the old, ineffectual
\nprohibitions -- \"No demands for independence allowed!\" -- these
\nincantations are likely to remain as background noises to the
\nongoing killings that fuel the fires of separatism.<\/p>\n
Regional autonomy, union within a unitary state and
\nindependence are not the only models for cooperation;
\nfederalism, confederation, a commonwealth form or some hybrid of
\nthese might be considered.<\/p>\n
The President and the country need to begin to \"think outside
\nthe boxes\" and not fear unconventional treatments for the
\nproblems that face the country. The longer the President waits to
\ntake decisive reform action, the more critical the problems
\nbecome and the more extreme the remedial actions will need to be.<\/p>\n
If the President waits too long, tomorrow's remedies could
\nbecome as debilitating to the country as today's problems are.<\/p>\n
The writer, an attorney and former American diplomat at the
\nU.S. Consulate General in Medan, is president director of PT Far
\nHorizons management consultancy.<\/p>",
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