Russia's global intentions visible in ASEAN Forum<\/p>\n
Dmitry Kosyrev
\nRIA Novosti
\nMoscow<\/p>\n
The path traversed by Russian diplomacy from Phnom Penh to
\nJakarta, that is, from last year's ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) to
\nthe upcoming ARF on security in early July, is barely noticeable
\nto the uniformed but it is remarkable.<\/p>\n
Based on the way relations have been developing between Moscow
\nand the 10 ASEAN countries, it is possible to imagine the future
\nrole Russia wants to and will play in the world as well as how
\nsuccessful Russia will be at winning new markets and preparing
\nfor its future role in world economics and politics.<\/p>\n
Without closely examining Russia's foreign policy in Asia it
\nis difficult to understand the role Russia plays in the world and
\nto what extent it is an independent political phenomenon, or as
\nsome say, a civilization. Unless Russia's interests and actions
\nin Asia are understood, senseless questions about why it does not
\nplan to join the European Union or NATO, or some other
\norganizations, will continue to arise.<\/p>\n
In this context, the region Russian Foreign Minister Sergei
\nLavrov will visit for several days while attending the ARF is
\nvery interesting. The point is that during the past few decades
\nthe Soviet Union's and then Russia's relations with South Asia
\n(primarily with India) and East Asia (primarily with China)
\nformed and then changed.<\/p>\n
But the region south of China and east of India -- Southeast
\nAsia -- is a special case, as it is a diplomatically virgin land
\nfor Russia. It is a region with practically no traces of the
\nSoviet era and therefore, for the new Russia only potential
\nopportunities lie ahead.<\/p>\n
In the 1990s, while attempting to realize these opportunities,
\nMoscow tried to cooperate with the region in various areas
\nassociated with the oil and natural gas industries mainly because
\nof the region's geographic remoteness. Russia offered arms, space
\nservices and other technologies.<\/p>\n
With the exception of arms, little progress has been made in
\nthat direction, but a few unexpected areas of cooperation have
\nemerged recently. In these areas, Southeast Asia sees not only
\nRussia's potential but also real success and progress.<\/p>\n
After the forum, ASEAN conducts talks with the foreign
\nministers of the countries that are the association's partners in
\ndialogue. All of the partner countries -- the United States,
\nChina, and others -- are important in the Pacific region.<\/p>\n
During talks about partnership with ASEAN, Lavrov may be
\nexpected to mention the unexpected boom of Russian tourism in the
\nregion and the Southeast Asian students being educated in Russia.
\nThe successes are obvious. Though prospects of cooperation in
\nenergy are not clear, so far. Russia is viewed as a needed
\npartner, but for the time being things have not gone further than
\ntalks.<\/p>\n
At the 2002 forum in Brunei it was estimated that trade with
\nASEAN countries amounted to US$1 billion, and last year in Phnom
\nPenh this issue was not raised at all.<\/p>\n
However, it is precisely at these forums, where specific
\npolicies are made, that an interesting phenomenon is becoming
\nincreasingly noticeable -- Russia's political influence in
\nregional policy is growing disproportionately to its economic
\ninfluence. In Jakarta, Russia is expected to sign the 1976 Treaty
\nof Friendship and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, which is the
\nideological foundation of ASEAN. Russia signing the treaty does
\nnot mean that it is joining the association; it only means that
\nMoscow shares the political principles proclaimed in the treaty.<\/p>\n
ASEAN has many partners with whom the trade level has long
\nsince exceeded $100 billion a year, but, so far, only China and
\nIndia have reached this level of political closeness with ASEAN.
\nIt can be expected that in the near future Russia and ASEAN will
\nhave annual meetings not on a ministerial level, but on a
\npresidential level. ASEAN holds similar meetings with India, for
\ninstance, which enjoys the same influence in the region as Russia
\nbut also has problems with commodity circulation.<\/p>\n
So, what is this closeness based on? Let us look at the
\nprogram for the upcoming ministerial forum, which normally
\nfocuses on security issues. The first item is terrorism,
\nspecifically the signing of a document on transportation security
\nand combating terrorism. Russia and the Philippines are the
\nauthors of this non-declarative yet very specific document. In
\n2003, Russia and the Philippines formulated security proposals
\nfor the forum, the United States and Malaysia did this task the
\nyear before.<\/p>\n
The second document at the forum concerns the nonproliferation
\nof weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and here, too, Russia did a
\ngood deal of editing. The amendments specify that combating WMD
\nproliferation should be in keeping with international law and UN
\nresolutions.<\/p>\n
Moscow shares ASEAN's political philosophy. Incidentally, a
\nsimilar philosophy was at the basis of the Shanghai Cooperation
\nOrganization, a Central Asian organization whose members include
\nfour Central Asian countries and Russia and China (ARF
\nparticipants).<\/p>\n
The SCO is not only an organizational copy of ASEAN, it is
\ncurrently establishing ties with ASEAN. The organization is also
\nMoscow's contribution to the system of relations in Asian
\npolitics, a contribution which ASEAN countries appreciate. All of
\nRussia's diplomatic actions in Asia, reveal the policy Russia
\nintends to pursue Asia, a policy that will ultimately yield
\neconomic fruit.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/russias-global-intentions-visible-in-asean-forum-1447893297",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}