RI must take real steps toward reform<\/p>\n
Pressure for political reform toppled Soeharto from the
\npresidency on May 21. Political scientist J. Soedjati Djiwandono
\ntracks how far we have traveled on the heralded road to reform
\nunder B.J. Habibie.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Exactly three years ago, in anticipation of
\n1996, I ended my review in this column by stating, \"we may be in
\nfor a continuously declining political situation with a deepening
\ncrisis of confidence...\"<\/p>\n
I am afraid the prospects for 1999 do not seem any better.<\/p>\n
Many have referred to the period since the resignation of
\nSoeharto as an \"era of reform\". The reality, however, is that at
\nbest we are just moving from the New Order toward reform. We have
\nreached only the door of reform, which is only slightly ajar.<\/p>\n
Habibie added the word \"reform\" to the name of his essentially
\ntransitional Cabinet (despite his adamant but pointless denials),
\nwhich is notably designated in Soeharto's style as a \"Development
\nCabinet\". This small and seemingly insignificant step may be
\nconstrued by some as a foretaste of more progressive measures to
\ncome.<\/p>\n
That would be no more than self-deceit. The climate of reform,
\ncharacterized particularly by ample freedom of association and
\nthe press, is not a gift bestowed by Habibie nor his creation. It
\nis a development he probably does not like but has to grudgingly
\naccept.<\/p>\n
The development was the fruit of the reform movement
\nspearheaded by university students. The students, no doubt,
\nrepresent the majority of the people, whose courage to express
\ntheir views openly and whose awareness of the rotten political
\nsystem over more than three decades were awakened by the
\ndeepening economic crisis.<\/p>\n
The climate of reform, however, has continued to be
\naccompanied by uncertainty and confusion, increasing although
\nsporadic violence, and general lawlessness, with the breakdown of
\nlaw and order. These have resulted from the worsening crisis of
\nconfidence, and thus of leadership.<\/p>\n
Reform essentially forms part of democratization. As applied
\nto Indonesia, it is to be understood particularly in the sense
\nthat sovereignty, robbed by the power of the state, is to be
\nreturned to the people. The implication is then that chaos and
\nlawlessness, crisis of confidence, leadership and authority as a
\nresult of a complete breakdown of the political system due to
\ndecades of manipulation, can only be overcome through a fresh,
\nfree and fair election.<\/p>\n
That should be the focus of our attention, the main political
\nagenda of 1999. It should be our top priority. It should take
\nprecedence over the rest of the problems, however urgent and
\nimportant they are, such as the continued investigation and legal
\nproceedings against Soeharto and his cronies for corrupt,
\ncollusive and nepotistic practices, the issue of the Armed
\nForces' (ABRI) dual function, and the accountability of the
\npresent de facto government. The latter particularly relates to
\nthe military leadership for the missing activists, the shooting
\nof student demonstrators, the May riots, the mass rapes, the
\nSemanggi bloodshed in November, the killings and \"witch-hunts\" in
\nEast Java and many, many other incidents of violence.<\/p>\n
However, given that the nation's economy will make an election
\npossible, it is still hard to expect a peaceful, smooth, clean
\nand really fair election. Since the nation's first election in
\n1955 -- by all accounts the only free, fair and most peaceful one
\nthe country has known since independence -- all the six elections
\nunder Soeharto's New Order were anything but free, fair and
\npeaceful.<\/p>\n
The implication is that we have a highly inexperienced and
\nprobably mostly not well-educated electorate. In this country,
\n\"traditional voters\" are hardly found. This, combined with the
\nparticipation of over 100 new political parties in the election,
\nan array likely to confuse the people, and with the lengthy
\neconomic crisis leaving millions jobless, would render many among
\nthe electorate vulnerable to pressure of various kinds, including
\nmoney politics.<\/p>\n
Indeed, despite the large number of political parties, the
\ncontest is likely to be one basically between status quo forces
\non the one hand, and proreform forces on the other. But it is
\ndoubtful, for reasons just stated, if that means much to the
\nelectorate. Some status quo forces may be losing ground and
\nothers may be small but radical, prone to resort to almost any
\nmeans to achieve their ends.<\/p>\n
What needs to be done, therefore, to ensure a truly free and
\nfair election, free from interference, manipulation, money
\npolitics and other forms of pressure, and to minimize violence
\nright to the end, is the establishment of independent teams --
\nnot one set up by the government -- as election watchdogs.<\/p>\n
A lot of work needs to be done as of right now, particularly
\nto ensure the enactment of the right laws on the election, the
\npolitical parties and the composition of the House of
\nRepresentatives (DPR) and the People's Consultative Assembly
\n(MPR), to be completed in the first month of 1999.<\/p>\n
The election may be rough and costly, the results far from
\nperfect. The resulting new government and other state
\ninstitutions, particularly the DPR and MPR, may be far from our
\nexpectations. The economic crisis may not be immediately
\novercome. We may continue to be muddling through democratic
\nexperimentation for years to come.<\/p>\n
In the face of the lawlessness, however, an election is the
\nonly choice we have if we are determined to carry on political
\nreform toward greater democracy, if we do sincerely want a
\nlegitimate and authoritative government. It will be the right
\nbeginning, and the rest must then follow.<\/p>",
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