RI-Canberra must cool things down<\/p>\n
The following article is based on a paper presented by
\nAustralian Ambassador to Indonesia John McCarthy at the
\nIndonesian Executive Circle on Sept. 23.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA: What has been the rationale for Australia's approach
\non East Timor? Simply this: The people in East Timor needed at
\nsome time the opportunity to choose their future. And also the
\nhope -- still a distant one -- that East Timor might be removed
\nas a bone of contention between Australia and Indonesia.<\/p>\n
I believe that we have pursued that approach ethically and
\ncorrectly. But let me deal with a few common misperceptions.<\/p>\n
The first is that we have adopted a policy stance which runs
\ncounter to Indonesian policy on East Timor. This is not so.<\/p>\n
When Prime Minister (John) Howard wrote to President (B.J.)
\nHabibie in December last year, he said that the policy pursued by
\nthe President of planning to accord wide-ranging autonomy to East
\nTimor was a significant and farsighted step. He also said that in
\nAustralia's view, such an offer would need to include an
\nopportunity for the East Timorese at some stage to exercise self-
\ndetermination -- possibly many years later. President Habibie did
\nnot accept this approach.<\/p>\n
Subsequently, the President and his Cabinet decided to adopt a
\ndifferent approach, namely a United Nations-organized popular
\nconsultation in East Timor to choose between autonomy and
\nseparation -- that choice subsequently to be ratified by the
\nPeople's Consultative Assembly (MPR). It was not our policy. It
\nwas Indonesia's policy, and we supported it.<\/p>\n
We also supported the May 5 tripartite agreement by which
\nIndonesia, Portugal and the UN agreed to the creation of the
\nUnited Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) to conduct the
\npopular consultation in East Timor.<\/p>\n
As you know, the ballot took place on Aug. 30. Indonesia
\naccepted the outcome. So did we. The ballot was followed by
\nanarchy and destruction. We and many others sought the
\nintervention of a multinational force, but always on the
\ncondition that both the (UN) Security Council and Indonesia
\n(agreed to the intervention). There was never any intention by
\nAustralia to act without such an agreement.<\/p>\n
A second misperception is that Australia has always been
\nbiased in favor of independence for East Timor.<\/p>\n
Actually, no. We have been one of the few countries which has
\nformally recognized (East Timor's) integration. Even after we
\nplaced emphasis on the need for self-determination, we alluded to
\nthe practical advantages of integration -- albeit in terms of the
\npeople of East Timor deciding their future for themselves in a
\nfree and fair process.<\/p>\n
It has been suggested that Australians working for UNAMET
\ndisplayed bias. I have examined a number of the instances cited.
\nI do not expect you all to agree with me, but I believe that
\nUNAMET employees -- including Australians -- were professional
\nand neutral.<\/p>\n
A third misperception is that Australia has been unnecessarily
\nintrusive in providing the largest contingent in -- and
\nleadership of -- the International Force for East Timor
\n(Interfet). I do not accept this contention. Our role in Interfet
\nderived from our geographic placement, the fact that we had
\nforces ready to be deployed and the fact that we believed we were
\ndoing the right thing. And while many Indonesians to whom I have
\nspoken dislike the concept of foreign troops in East Timor and
\nhave argued against Australian prominence, few have disagreed
\nwith the fact that Interfet had to happen.<\/p>\n
Australia's leadership role was established by the secretary-
\ngeneral and the members of the United Nations, including the
\nother major contributors to the force. We understood the need for
\na strong Asian presence in the force. Like Indonesia, we argued
\nfor contributions by Indonesia's Asian neighbors.<\/p>\n
What then, you ask, are our intentions?<\/p>\n
We do not have strategic designs on East Timor. Australia has
\nenough problems controlling and administering its huge, parched
\ncountry. We have neither the resources nor the ambition to expand
\nour strategic reach. Nor is there any economic advantage for us
\nin East Timor's independence. We will gain no more -- and
\nprobably less -- in terms of oil and gas revenue than would have
\nbeen the case had East Timor remained with Indonesia. It is also
\napparent that we will be under a moral obligation to help support
\nEast Timor economically for some time to come.<\/p>\n
And what of our tone, about which I hear so much in Jakarta?<\/p>\n
It is suggested here that our statements overreach themselves,
\nthat our comments are arrogant and offensive to Indonesia.<\/p>\n
As Indonesians often say -- albeit in a slightly different
\ncontext -- we are a plain spoken people. Essentially, what you
\nsee is what you get. The reason that Australia argued for a
\nmultinational force was that neither the people nor the
\ngovernment of Australia could, in good conscience, stand aside
\nwhile witnessing the events which took place in East Timor after
\nthe ballot. By the way, I do not claim that we have a monopoly on
\noutrage. You Indonesians also felt that you had seen enough.<\/p>\n
Moreover, our system requires our leaders to express their
\nviews. Just as you have your system, which we respect, we have
\nours. What has often been reported here is where our leaders have
\ndiffered with Indonesia. In fact, our prime minister has often
\nreferred in the last two weeks to our intention to have good
\nrelations with Indonesia, and to our belief in the nation and
\npeople of Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Indonesians also take exception to many actions taken by
\nindividuals or groups in Australia since the ballot. Travel and
\ntrade boycotts were put in place by our unions, demonstrations
\nwere held, damage was done to Indonesian government property and
\nthe Indonesian flag was burned.<\/p>\n
I ask you to note that most trade and travel boycotts have now
\nbeen lifted. Damage to Indonesian property is against our law and
\nwe are prosecuting offenders. The prime minister has personally
\ncalled upon Australians not to burn flags and the Australian
\nCouncil for Trade Unions has advised its members not to do so.
\nAnd if some Australians have indeed been offensive to Indonesians
\nin Australia, the vast majority of us would reject such behavior
\nas un-Australian and unacceptable.<\/p>\n
I do not wish to dwell on it, but this sort of problem has
\nbeen a two-way street. Our flag has also been burned -- often.
\nBusinesses in Balikpapan with significant Australian interests
\nhave been targeted by protesters bearing little resemblance to
\nstudents -- with Australian and Indonesian employees being
\ncoerced into signing statements implicitly critical of Australia.
\nAustralian offices elsewhere in Indonesia have been ransacked. We
\nhave even had the odd problem in our own embassy. All this
\namounts to un-Indonesian behavior toward foreigners.<\/p>\n
Nothing is achieved by these open expressions of hostility. It
\nis in the interests of both our countries to cool things down.
\nFor our part, we are doing our best to do the right thing by
\nIndonesians in Australia. I ask that Indonesians do the right
\nthing in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
What do we want of Indonesia?<\/p>\n
A look at recent history does not suggest that Australia has a
\nhidden agenda inimical to Indonesian interests. I am not here to
\nboast to you about what we have done, but we stood by Indonesia
\nin its time of deepest economic crisis -- just as we stood by the
\nother Asian countries most affected by crises: Korea and
\nThailand.<\/p>\n
For the last decade, successive Australian governments have
\ninvested political energy and funding into a complex set of
\narrangements to make the relationship between Indonesia and
\nAustralia really work. We have opened up our schools and
\nuniversities to people from all over the world. Indonesians have
\ntaken advantage of this on an unprecedented scale. I am not
\nsuggesting that our approach has been wholly altruistic; we have
\ngained also. The process has worked for both of us. But none of
\nour actions have been, I would argue, those of an opponent of
\nIndonesia.<\/p>\n
Second, we would like Indonesia to become strong and
\nresilient. And to this end, we want to see a sustained recovery
\nof the Indonesian economy. Those who argue that we seek a weak
\nIndonesia are wrong. A strong and cohesive Indonesia has been a
\nlynchpin of our strategic policy for three decades. That remains
\nour objective. It would also be our hope that an independent East
\nTimor would enjoy good relations with Indonesia.<\/p>\n
People here say to us that we seem to have elected to put the
\ninterests of some 800,000 people in East Timor ahead of those of
\nthe 210 million in Indonesia. If only choices could be so simple.
\nYou suggest to us that by taking the approach that we have on
\nEast Timor we have foregone the capacity to live comfortably with
\nIndonesia. I do not agree with that contention. And please also
\naccept that had we stood aside from East Timor, we could not have
\nlived with ourselves.<\/p>\n
In the end, I have to state what is a truism. We are neighbors
\nand it is our destiny to remain so. The events in East Timor --
\nparticularly in recent weeks -- have been traumatic for both our
\ncountries. Our differences over East Timor are serious, but
\nplease understand that we in Australia have no designs upon your
\nintegrity and that we have respect for your dignity.<\/p>\n
You are a great nation which has come a long way in a short
\ntime. You have the capacity and generosity to accept what the
\npeople of East Timor have told all of us they want, and to give
\nthem your blessing for the future.<\/p>\n
As for us, it is our hope that as the months go by you will
\nconcentrate less on the perceived wound that divides us and more
\non the things that unite us.<\/p>",
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