RI-Australia relations ties solidifying<\/p>\n
Following is an excerpt from a paper presented by former
\nminister of defense and security Gen. (ret.) L.B. Moerdani
\nat a conference hosted by the Australian Defense Studies Center
\nlast month in Canberra. This is the first of two installments.<\/p>\n
CANBERRA: The broadening and deepening of the defense
\nrelationship between Indonesia and Australia is perhaps a
\nforegone conclusion, certain to happen within the next fifteen
\nyears. The speed and modality by which this will occur will be
\naffected by a number of factors and developments.<\/p>\n
I will discuss some of these factors by specifically
\naddressing myself to the questions that have been given to me by
\nthe Australian Defense Studies Center.<\/p>\n
On the question of the appropriate speed for implementing
\ncloser defense cooperation between Indonesia and Australia, I am
\nof the opinion that by necessity this will be gradual. There is
\nno need to hasten the process. It will involve both the
\nbroadening and deepening of cooperation, with preference on the
\nIndonesian side to first focusing on the latter task.<\/p>\n
As suggested above, the prospects for closer Indonesia-
\nAustralia defense cooperation are good. As our strategic outlooks
\nconverge we may soon realize that our capabilities also have
\nbecome more complementary. This enhances the scope for
\ncooperation. As suggested in the Defense White Paper, this
\nalready has led to a more diversified relationship; one that goes
\nbeyond the traditional defense cooperation programs to involve
\nstrategic exchanges, combined exercises, logistics agreements,
\nscience and industry cooperation, cooperative equipment
\nacquisition and training cooperation. Intelligence cooperation is
\nalso an important aspect of our relationship.<\/p>\n
Essentially, the bilateral defense relationship between
\nIndonesia and Australia should be seen as an integral part of the
\noverall, wider bilateral relationship between Australia and
\nIndonesia. Close defense cooperation will strengthen the
\nrelationship, and a stronger overall bilateral relationship will
\nfurther promote defense links.<\/p>\n
It has been said that Indonesia and Australia are "strange
\nneighbors". Their geographic proximity makes them very much
\nvisible and actions taken by the one immediately affect the
\nother. Since each side knows relatively little about the other, a
\ngreat deal of irritations have burdened this relationship.<\/p>\n
Some years ago there was a determination on both sides to
\nchange this. We both agreed to do something to overcome those
\nproblems and to strengthen our relations. Although Indonesia-
\nAustralia relations cannot be taken for granted, I believe that
\nwe have come a long way.<\/p>\n
I would rather leave it to historians or other researchers to
\nidentify the main factors that led our two governments to agree
\nto end that volatile relationship. As someone who was in the
\nIndonesian government at that time I have my own interpretation
\nof this episode. I believe that a number of factors were
\nimportant.<\/p>\n
Back in the mid-1980s we did not know that the Cold War was
\napproaching its final days. However, there was a strong
\nrecognition that Indonesia and other ASEAN countries needed to
\nseriously begin laying down the foundation for the establishment
\nof a regional order in Southeast Asia. There was the uncertainty
\nabout future U.S. security commitments to the region and there
\nwas also concern with the future roles of Japan and China in the
\nregion.<\/p>\n
The concept of a regional order in Southeast Asia is a very
\nsimple, straightforward concept. Its objective is regional peace
\nand stability, whose maintenance is the responsibility of the
\nregional countries themselves. However, since outside powers have
\na legitimate interest and role in the region, it is in the
\ninterest of the regional countries to develop relations with them
\nthat further strengthen the regional order.<\/p>\n
It is definitely not an "inward-looking" concept. It is very
\nwell recognized, however, that the main prerequisite to the
\ncreation of this regional order is the ability of the regional
\ncountries to keep their own houses in order.<\/p>\n
ASEAN's active involvement in resolving the Cambodian conflict
\nthrough peaceful means is based on this determination. Its
\nefforts are "outward oriented" and it actively has sought the
\nparticipation of the international community. Australia was among
\nthe few countries that showed a sustained interest in helping
\nresolve the conflict.<\/p>\n
Regional order is also not a concept that ignores developments
\noutside its own region. In fact, it is interested in developing
\nhealthy and strong relations also with countries in its immediate
\nneighborhood. This is dictated by the requirements to maintain
\nregional peace and stability. The wisdom is that your neighbors
\nare important. Australia is important to Indonesia because
\nAustralia is Indonesia's immediate neighbor to the south.<\/p>\n
It is interesting to note that with regard to many regional
\neconomic, political and security issues and assessments, the
\nviews from Jakarta and Canberra are often closer than between
\nJakarta and Tokyo or between Canberra and Washington. It appears
\nto me that in our efforts to organize the Asia- Pacific region we
\nshare a common philosophy or strategy. Indonesia and Australia
\ncan further promote and strengthen their relations through the
\nvarious newly emerging regional forums. However, they are not a
\nsubstitute for a healthy and strong bilateral relationship,
\nincluding in the field of defense.<\/p>\n
The question of whether Australia tends to be pushing too fast
\nin implementing closer defense cooperation does not appear to be
\nof relevance here as no timetable has been set. What is important
\nhere is the development of a meaningful mechanism for regular
\nconsultations through which various cooperation programs are
\nthoughtfully submitted, discussed and agreed upon. The annual
\nmeetings of the respective Defense Ministers is one such
\nimportant mechanism.<\/p>\n
As described above, Australia-Indonesia bilateral defense
\ncooperation should also be seen in the wider regional context as
\nit will be influenced by ASEAN's defense cooperation and
\nAustralia's relations with ASEAN. On the question of how close
\nAustralia can get to ASEAN, the answer is "quite close".<\/p>\n
As an ASEAN dialog partner and a member of the ASEAN Regional
\nForum (ARF), and because of its geographic location, Australia
\ncan become a member of one of ASEAN's inner circle of cooperation
\nif it accepts ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC)
\nthrough a declaration or protocol, even without acceding to it.
\nHowever, as Australia is not a member of the Southeast Asian
\ncommunity of nations it may not become a member of ASEAN's most
\ninner circle. It is also not obvious why this should be desirable
\nfor Australia.<\/p>\n
There are two aspects of the issue of perceived threats
\nbetween Australia and ASEAN. First, it is perhaps no longer
\nrelevant to talk about threat and the need to have a common
\nperception of threat as a basis for defense cooperation.<\/p>\n
The 1994 Defense White Paper also is not derived from a
\ndefined threat -- "the potential enemy". Equally, ASEAN defense
\ncooperation is not based on a common perception of threat.<\/p>\n
Second, the major aim of defense cooperation today, as
\nimplicitly contained in the concepts of comprehensive security,
\ncooperative security and collective security, is confidence
\nbuilding and developing a sense of community. The ASEAN strategy
\nof concentric circles proposes the need to include the very
\nsources of uncertainty to one's own security within the extended
\ncircle of cooperation. This distinguishes defense cooperation
\ntoday from the formation of military pacts and alliances during
\nthe Cold War.<\/p>",
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