Revising foreign-policy management<\/p>\n
Yayan GH Mulyana, Bogor, West Java<\/p>\n
Foreign policy is a sector that has received little attention
\nfrom the Indonesian public, particularly in relation to the
\nemergence of the new government. While many quarters have raised
\nquestions and made suggestions to the new government on how to
\naddress such critical issues as legal reform, economic reform,
\nclean and good governance, education, gender equality, and the
\nenvironment, what the new government should do in the sector of
\nforeign policy has hardly been explored.<\/p>\n
The new government should realize that in the age of
\nglobalization, the fate of a nation is shaped not only by
\ndomestic factors but also by international forces, as well as the
\ncapacity and capability to manage those factors. Thus, the new
\ngovernment should more explicit and articulate in its foreign
\npolicy platform.<\/p>\n
From the issue point of view, the new government is supposed
\nto frame its foreign policy priorities and decide what aspects of
\nforeign policy will be adapted and what will be kept unchanged. A
\nconcentric circle approach as practiced by the outgoing
\ngovernment may be used for such prioritization and decision
\nmaking. This approach has placed ASEAN, Tripartite Dialog
\ninvolving Indonesia, Australia, and Timor-Leste, South West
\nPacific Dialog Forum, and Pacific Islands Forum in the first
\ncircle of priorities. The second circle comprises China, Japan,
\nand South Korea and India. EU, UN, OIC, G-77 and NAM lie in the
\nthird circle.<\/p>\n
Another method that can be used in setting up foreign policy
\npriorities is \"thick prioritization.\" This method identifies
\nconsequences that each existing foreign policy commitment brings
\nabout for the Indonesian government and populace. Based on those
\nconsequences, new commitments are made. ASEAN Community, for
\nexample, is a commitment that requires public participation in
\nits process and ultimate realization. This initiative requires
\nnew commitments to the promotion of societal participation in the
\nprocess toward the creation of an ASEAN community. Similar new
\ncommitments will be required in the process toward the New Asian
\nAfrican Strategic Partnership.<\/p>\n
Managing foreign policy should also consider the nature of the
\nissue and the emerging plurality of actors in foreign relations.
\nSome issues are exclusively international but others are
\nintermeshed with domestic issues in a contextual confluence.
\nWithin this context, foreign policy formulation and
\nimplementation should consider dynamics not only at the
\ninternational level but also at the domestic level. Issues such
\nas terrorism and trans-border crimes -- including drug
\ntrafficking and people smuggling -- are intermeshed.<\/p>\n
Actors that have interest in or pay particular attention to
\none or more aspects of foreign policy tend to vary in the current
\ncontext of Indonesia. As civil society is steadily developing,
\nsome of its elements continue to affect foreign policy. Those
\nelements include activist groups in human rights and environment
\nas well as think tanks.<\/p>\n
In the advent of multiple actors affecting foreign policy, it
\nis of utmost importance for the new government to develop a
\nmodality or mechanism that helps administer their involvement in
\ndifferent phases of foreign policy. Such a modality should
\nrecognize the position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the
\nprimary agent in the conduct of foreign policy. This is compliant
\nwith Law No. 37\/1999 on foreign relations.<\/p>\n
Informed citizens will be able to provide a high quality
\ncontribution to foreign policy processes. Accordingly, it is
\npertinent that the new government outlines a program aimed at
\npromoting foreign policy literacy. Since this is a time-consuming
\nand difficult venture, civil society groups, including NGOs, the
\nmedia, and research and educational institutions could assist in
\nthe process. They could complement government efforts in
\nproviding the public with information and materials that could
\nhelp them become more literate in foreign policy issues.<\/p>\n
From the institutional point of view, the new government is
\nrequired to consolidate existing relevant agents and institutions
\nin order to address the issues effectively. Thus, substance
\ndictates the construction and deconstruction of agents and
\ninstitutions. First, presidential competency in foreign relations
\nand attachment to issues critical to national interests are
\nimportant factors affecting foreign policy leadership. Second,
\nthe vice president's role in foreign relations could be enhanced
\nto the point that his tasks strengthen the leadership. In the
\nhistory of the American vice presidency, Al Gore has been
\nregarded as a role model that injected new vigor into U.S
\ndomestic and foreign policies.<\/p>\n
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs that continues to undergo
\nreform toward an ideally viable organization remains important in
\nthe whole conduct of foreign policy. Strengthening focal points
\nfor international cooperation at relevant ministries is also
\nimportant so that they can contribute to the whole process of
\nforeign policy making and implementation constructively. As the
\nprocess of regional autonomy unfolds, it is also essential to
\nstrengthen the local governments' capacity in conducting foreign
\nrelations coherent with the national government's foreign policy
\nplatform.<\/p>\n
The new government may also consider establishing additional
\nagents or bodies in order to amplify the capacity to perform a
\nhigh profile foreign policy. Those extra agents or bodies include
\nspecial envoys or advisors concerning issues vital to national
\ninterests, blue ribbon commissions, or what is commonly known as
\na national security council. Those initiatives could be permanent
\nor ad hoc.<\/p>\n
The new government might want to establish a special envoy or
\nan advisory board for conflict resolution mandated to address
\nethnic and separatist-driven conflicts that could jeopardize the
\nsovereignty and territorial integrity of Indonesia. It may also
\nwish to found a national advisory council for foreign policy and
\nsecurity affairs directed to advise the president in security and
\nforeign policy matters.<\/p>\n
The best measure that the new government can take is to
\nconsolidate what already exists rather than to appoint new agents
\nor establish new institutions. Improving coordination and
\ncooperation among agents and bodies responsible for foreign
\npolicy is urgent. A careful needs analysis should be conducted
\nbefore new institutions are established.<\/p>\n
Lastly, from the administrative point of view, it is also
\nrelevant that the new government draws a foreign policy plan and
\nstrategy or a foreign policy white paper. It would be ideal if at
\nthe earliest stage of administration the new government had
\nsomething in writing on its foreign policy priorities and
\nobjectives and how to accomplish them. This strategy will be of
\ngreat significance in the evaluation of the performance of the
\nnew government's foreign policy.<\/p>\n
The writer who can be contacted at yanvontsazik@yahoo.com
\ncurrently serves as had of the Secretariat for Advisers and
\nSpecial Envoys of the President at the Indonesian Ministry of
\nForeign Affairs. The ideas expressed in this article are his own.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/revising-foreign-policy-management-1447893297",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}