Renewing our party system<\/p>\n
By Arbi Sanit<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): After four days of ballot counting, it has
\nbecome increasingly clear that Golkar will emerge as the absolute
\nmajority in the 1997 general election, the United Development
\nParty (PPP) will succeed in augmenting its votes, and the
\nIndonesian Democratic Party (PDI) will reach its nadir.
\nApparently, the general election is showing its ability to
\nsimplify our party system.<\/p>\n
But the simplification of parties nearly a quarter of a
\ncentury ago, has been amended. The disapproval of a two-party
\nsystem on pluralist arguments, which was supported by party
\npoliticians nearly three decades ago, has been rebutted.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, this development is not the only force needed to
\ncarry out a renewal of Indonesia's party system in the future.
\nThe use of the opportunities is largely determined by how much
\nthe authorities, and the society at large, feels it is necessary.<\/p>\n
The simplification of the party system requires two things,
\nnamely a guarantee of the effectiveness of policy and decision
\nmaking, and a guarantee of representation of the society in the
\nstructure of political parties and the government. This is part
\nof the democratization efforts of all aspects of societal life.<\/p>\n
The three-party system in the House of Representatives in the
\npast three decades has indeed been more simple than a multiparty
\nsystem. But even that still needs engineering through the
\nprocedure and limitations of the House's authority so that
\nparties and non-government factions tend to lose in political
\ninteraction.<\/p>\n
The military's faction in the House is necessary to render
\npolitical decisions effective as shown by the Armed Forces' dual
\nfunction. In this way, a two-party system would be more effective
\nin the House, especially if it is accompanied by an adjustment of
\nfactions i.e. the work faction which is a joining of the Armed
\nForces and Golkar factions on the one hand and the party factions
\non the other. This would make discussion more intensive because
\nof the limited time and each spokesperson would be compelled to
\nspeak more profoundly to avoid repetition.<\/p>\n
The concern about an increase in the political non-
\nrepresentation of the plural society in a two-party system would
\nnot necessarily become a reality. Political representation of
\nsociety can be maintained by shifting it from the level of party
\nideology and organization to the level of the party elite who
\noccupy legislative and executive functions.<\/p>\n
There are two techniques of political representation to meet
\nthe need for change. These include the adjustment of the
\ncomposition of party candidates for the general election and the
\ncomplexity of the value structure and society's interest which
\nhave been made the social basis of the party concerned. The
\nsecond technique is to recruit prominent community organization
\nfigures as candidates for the general election on the basis they
\nmanifest latent interest groups.<\/p>\n
Realization of the two methods demands full and systematic
\nparticipation of the community at large in composing and
\ndetermining the candidates of each participating organization. A
\nparty congress at branch or national level, which is usually used
\nto elect a leader, to decide on programs and to review the
\nparty's statutes and rules of association, must be complemented
\nwith the election of candidates for the general election.<\/p>\n
The increase of votes in the 1997 general election for Golkar
\nand the United Development Party and the minimum number of votes
\nobtained by the Indonesian Democratic Party, provides an
\nopportunity for the party system to be rearranged naturally.<\/p>\n
There are two possibilities in this context. First, to
\neliminate the Soerjadi-led Indonesian Democratic Party because it
\nwill be a problem in the representation system in legislative
\ninstitutions due to the minimum number of representatives. It
\nwill be a burden to the state and it will be unable to contribute
\nanything except formally.<\/p>\n
Second, to establish a new party supported by the United
\nDevelopment Party, a Megawati version of the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party, and pro-democracy community groups. The new
\nparty will need a new name, such as \"Development Democracy\", and
\na new interpretation of ideology, in line with its name, of
\nPancasila as a compulsory ideology. It will require an internal
\npower system that is competitive and open and applies the
\nprinciple of power by the majority. It will protect minorities.
\nIt will require cooperative leadership, and an organization based
\non power balance.<\/p>\n
The macroeconomic conditions required for the realization of
\nthis is the openness of the authorities toward change. Thus the
\nlaw governing political parties and Golkar, the General Election
\nlaw and the House of Representatives procedures, both at
\nprovincial and central level, will have to be open to the
\npossibility of change in the party system.<\/p>\n
Window: The increase of votes in the 1997 general election for
\nGolkar and the PPP and the minimum number of votes obtained by
\nthe PDI, provides an opportunity for the party system to be
\nrearranged naturally.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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