Releasing Suu Kyi the only viable option<\/p>\n
Jose Ramos-Horta, Inter Press Service, Dili, East Timor<\/p>\n
Current events in Myanmar are deeply disturbing. A very
\nrevered monk, Sayadaw U Satetara, a high-ranking member of the
\nholy Sangha and strong supporter of imprisoned Nobel Peace
\nLaureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, passed away last week from what
\nmany suspect were not natural causes.<\/p>\n
In the meantime, Suu Kyi, who was awarded the Nobel Peace
\nPrize for her campaign to restore democracy and civil liberties
\nin Myanmar by peaceful means, remains incarcerated and held
\nincommunicado.<\/p>\n
The recent attacks on Suu Kyi, leader of the country's
\nopposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and
\nher supporters were orchestrated by hard-liners in Myanmar's
\nmilitary regime who fear her enduring popularity and the
\nnational reconciliation process supported by other, more
\ntolerant, members of the ruling junta.<\/p>\n
Appeals for Suu Kyi's release from Rangoon's friends and
\nMyanmar's neighbors seem to have fallen on deaf ears. This
\ncertainly does not augur well for the country, and Myanmar could
\npay a high price internationally for the hard-liners'
\nintransigence.<\/p>\n
Myanmar's most important foreign donor, Japan, until recently
\nexcessively cautious in its approach to human rights issues in
\nthe region, has decided to stop almost all its support for the
\ncountry.<\/p>\n
Leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),
\nmust also keep up the pressure on the Burmese generals.<\/p>\n
The foreign ministers of ASEAN -- of which Myanmar is a member
\n-- recently broke a taboo against interfering in what have
\ntraditionally been regarded as the internal affairs of a member
\nstate.<\/p>\n
Embarrassed that the international reputation of ASEAN was
\nsuffering because of the gross and systematic human rights
\nviolations in Myanmar, the ministers demanded at their recent
\nannual meeting in Phnom Penh that Suu Kyi be freed immediately.<\/p>\n
China, as a regional power, too, must take its cue from Japan
\nand act decisively in pressuring the Burmese junta to release Suu
\nKyi. While understandably cautious in its conduct of foreign
\nrelations and not wanting to be misconstrued as a regional bully,
\nChina cannot sidestep its responsibility by avoiding a central
\nrole in the resolution of conflicts on its doorstep.<\/p>\n
There is also a role for India. As Asia's oldest and the
\nworld's first largest democracy, India is in a position to prod
\nthe Burmese generals to loosen their grip on the nation. New
\nDelhi has had diplomatic experience in dealing with Rangoon
\nwithin the ambit of the Non-Aligned Movement. At this crucial
\nmoment, India must not eschew its own responsibilities.<\/p>\n
As regional powers, China, Japan and India, working closely
\nwith Indonesia in its current position as chair of ASEAN, must
\nfind a solution to this impasse. Failure to do so will weaken
\nASEAN and undermine its international influence.<\/p>\n
In the 1970s, we witnessed regional silence and complicity
\nsurrounding the Cambodian tragedy. It will be tragic if the same
\nattitude is adopted with regard to Myanmar.<\/p>\n
But the winds of change are blowing through the region, and
\nthere are encouraging signs that ASEAN is becoming more prepared
\nto address human rights abuses in its own backyard.<\/p>\n
China, too, has opened up even if it continues to be a one-
\nparty state. Only two countries, Myanmar and North Korea, remain
\nfrozen in time.<\/p>\n
There is, however, hope for Myanmar.<\/p>\n
Myanmar's military regime can learn from the positive lessons
\nof its neighbors, namely Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the
\nPhilippines, Indonesia, and Cambodia. These might not be perfect
\ndemocracies, but they are relatively open and economically
\nsuccessful.<\/p>\n
In working towards a peaceful and stable political transition,
\nthe democracy movement in Myanmar as well as the international
\ncommunity must also consider safeguards and incentives for those
\nin power to allow the evolution to proceed. The military should
\nbe offered assurances that there will be no vendetta against it
\nonce democracy is restored in Myanmar.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, the United States and the European Union should
\nconsider responding to each meaningful step taken by the military
\ngovernment with measures such as a gradual easing of travel
\nrestrictions for regime members and providing humanitarian aid
\nthrough non-government organizations.<\/p>\n
There must also be a role for the United Nations in Myanmar.
\nThe UN, in close consultation with ASEAN leaders, must be
\ninvolved in facilitating and supervising the steps for free
\nelections within three years.<\/p>\n
With political reform under way, the World Bank and other
\ninstitutions, such as the United Nations Development Program,
\nshould step in to help reform Myanmar's institutions and
\neconomy.<\/p>\n
But for all this to happen the military must first release Suu
\nKyi and her supporters, reopen the offices of the National League
\nfor Democracy, and accept a clear timetable for restoring
\ndemocracy in Myanmar.<\/p>\n
The writer, awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1996, is East
\nTimor's minister for foreign affairs.<\/p>",
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