Regional discontent a test for new Indonesia<\/p>\n
By Dwi Atmanta<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): History repeats itself in an Indonesia reveling
\nin newfound democracy, with an upsurge in demands throughout the
\nyear from provinces long treated as cash cows.<\/p>\n
With no significant efforts to properly address the widespread
\nsecessionist movements, the outcry added to the burdens of the
\ncountry, which was rocked by sectarian clashes in the Maluku
\nislands for almost the whole year.<\/p>\n
The country has dealt with separatist movements since its
\nfounding in 1945. The almost 20-year rule of founding president
\nSukarno survived intermittent spells of unrest from armed
\nrebellions in Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan, Aceh and Sulawesi.<\/p>\n
Unlike his successor Soeharto, who used military might to
\ncrush separatist rebels and political rivals, Sukarno quelled
\nresistance movements by jailing the rebels but then making peace
\nwith them.<\/p>\n
The seeds of dissent and separatism were planted by a
\nsuccession of administrations and nurtured during the last three
\ndecades by corruption-ridden authoritarian central governments.
\nThose seeds have not only taken root, but in several places the
\ndissent has developed into stubborn shoots which are difficult to
\ncontrol.<\/p>\n
The Acehnese, like their counterparts in other resource-rich
\nprovinces of Irian Jaya, Riau and East Kalimantan, have long
\ncomplained about unfair treatment from Jakarta. In particular,
\nthere are concerns of lopsided distribution of national wealth
\namong the regions.<\/p>\n
Irian Jaya is home to the world's largest gold and copper
\nmining company, PT Freeport Indonesia, and Riau contributes to 80
\npercent of the country's oil production. Ironically, the two
\nprovinces have battled poverty for most of their existence.<\/p>\n
South Sulawesi staged a brief challenge, but it was apparent
\nthat the independence bid demanded by students was stirred by the
\nPeople's Consultative Assembly's rejection of then president B.J.
\nHabibie, who hails from the province.<\/p>\n
People of resource-rich provinces complain that Java receives
\na disproportionate portion of the revenue. National development
\nefforts are largely concentrated on Java, while revenue-earning
\nprovinces are perceived as having been left behind.<\/p>\n
To make matters worse, the New Order regime rigidly applied a
\nsecurity approach to deal with regional discontent.<\/p>\n
East Timor taught Indonesia a dear lesson that harsh measures,
\nand the inevitable tendency to lapse into human rights abuses, in
\ndealing with dissent would generate nothing but resistance.<\/p>\n
Aceh, popularly known as Mecca's verandah for its devout
\nMuslim population, shed much blood and tears during a 10-year
\nmilitary operation which began in 1988.<\/p>\n
Clashes between Indonesian security forces and armed groups of
\nthe Free Aceh Movement (GAM) have become a daily occurrence since
\nthe operation status was lifted in August last year. Including
\nboth civilians and members of the security forces, the death toll
\nthis year topped 300.<\/p>\n
Then president Habibie visited Aceh in March to ask the
\ngovernment's forgiveness and promised to develop infrastructure
\nin the province. But the conciliatory gesture did little good
\nmainly because the security-oriented policy remained unchanged.<\/p>\n
The shooting of 40 people in a crowd in Krueng Geukueh, some
\n15 kilometers west of the North Aceh capital of Lhokseumawe early
\nin May, and the massacre of some 50 followers of religious leader
\nTengku Bantaqiah near their Islamic boarding school in Meulaboh
\nin July further fueled the independence demand in the restive
\nprovince.<\/p>\n
A rally which involved over one million people in Banda Aceh
\non Nov. 8 served as a clear message to the government that it may
\nhave lost the Acehnese people's confidence.<\/p>\n
The separatist movement in Irian Jaya, which has been waged by
\nthe Free Papua Organization (OPM), has not received such
\noverwhelming public support. But like Aceh, human rights
\nviolations added insult to injury in the government's efforts to
\nappease separatist demands in the easternmost province.<\/p>\n
The secessionist mood in the western part of Papua has been
\nmarked by the hoisting of the Morning Star flag. It peaked on
\nDec. 1 with a mass procession to commemorate the declaration of
\nan independent West Papua over 35 years ago.<\/p>\n
Many claim the United Nations-sanctioned popular consultation
\non the future of west Irian in 1969 was invalid.<\/p>\n
In contending with the wave of separatist sentiment, the
\ngovernments of Habibie and incumbent Abdurrahman Wahid promoted
\nthe laws on regional autonomy and fiscal balance between local
\ngovernments and the central government. The laws should have
\ntaken effect in 2001, but the present government decided to speed
\nup enactment to avoid growing antigovernment sentiment.<\/p>\n
In a hearing with the House of Representatives, State Minister
\nof Regional Autonomy Ryaas Rasyid promised that laws on regional
\nautonomy and fiscal balance could be implemented in mid-2000. He
\nwarned, however, that Indonesia could disintegrate if the laws
\ndid not work as planned.<\/p>\n
In the protracted dispute pitting Jakarta against disenchanted
\nprovinces, federalism emerged as an alternative settlement for
\nthe issue.<\/p>\n
One of proponents of a federal state, Amien Rais, said
\nfederalism would be the best way to appease bids for independence
\nand prevent the nation from breaking apart. The discourse on
\nfederalism caused a split among the nation's major political
\ngroups, including those which combined forces in the presidential
\nelection.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman, popularly known as Gus Dur, has repeatedly stated
\nhis determination to maintain the unitary state of Indonesia,
\nwhich its founders built at a great cost in lives and suffering.
\nTo many Indonesians, in particular the Indonesian Military (TNI),
\nfederalism is still a dirty word.<\/p>\n
In a display of diplomatic skills, Abdurrahman decided to
\nspend most of the first month of his term in office seeking the
\nworld's support for a unitary state of Indonesia, as well as
\ndrumming up backing for Indonesia's economic recovery efforts.
\nThe mission bore fruit, despite criticism that the President was
\nignoring the threat of disintegration.<\/p>\n
Many believe that the prerequisite for making such a
\nsettlement possible with absolute fairness is to pursue
\noutstanding cases of human rights abuses and injustices wherever
\nthey occurred in the country.<\/p>\n
The ongoing investigation into a number of high-ranking
\nmilitary officers in connection with their alleged involvement in
\natrocities in Aceh and East Timor is still a long way from
\nappeasing regional discontent. But some would argue that at least
\nthe process to facing up to the past has started. (amd)<\/p>",
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