'Regional autonomy policy may end in chaos'<\/p>\n
Andi Alfian Mallarangeng believes autonomy is not only an
\nimportant step toward democratization but an answer to regional
\ndiscontent or even possible disintegration. The scholar was
\ninvolved in the policy formulation, though now no longer part of
\nthe government's team to oversee its implementation. He fears the
\ngovernment's poor handling would mean doom for the campaign. The
\nfollowing is an interview with the chairman of the policy
\ncommittee and senior adviser for Partnership for Governance
\nReform in Indonesia of the United Nations Development Program
\n(UNDP).<\/p>\n
Question: How ready are our communities in facing the regional
\nautonomy policy?<\/p>\n
Answer: There are regions and urban centers that are already
\nprepared for the autonomy policy, but outer regions are
\nrelatively ill-prepared. I would say that 30 percent of our
\nregions are not ready, 20 percent are raring to go, and the rest,
\nbarely ready.<\/p>\n
One thing of concern is our legislative councils at the
\nregency levels. Many of the legislators do not even understand
\nwhat regional autonomy is about. They think autonomy means a
\nchance for them to raise taxes as high as possible, and impose
\ntaxes on everything, be it dead or alive.<\/p>\n
Q: The new policy would mean a transfer of considerable powers to
\nregions that you have described as ill-prepared. What do you
\nthink will happen? Will there be more corruption?<\/p>\n
A: It's possible. Not that it's something new because all these
\nyears, when we were still very centralized in nature, corruption,
\ncollusion and nepotism flourished in various regions. There are
\nindeed small lords who feel very big, living in the outer
\nregions. I would say that much will depend on whether we can
\ndevelop a strong civil society.<\/p>\n
A weak civil society would mean a proliferation of corruption.
\nYou know there are regions with a strong press and strong non-
\ngovernmental organizations; the corruptive forces will find its
\nmatch in such regions.<\/p>\n
Q: But most NGOs are based in Jakarta.<\/p>\n
A: Precisely, and this is why we need a decentralization of NGOs
\nas well. They should not sit and watch things from Jakarta. They
\nshould go out and visit the outer regions.<\/p>\n
Q: What is your assessment of the central government's readiness
\nto implement the regional autonomy policy?<\/p>\n
A: A number of ministries are clearly unprepared to implement the
\npolicy. Don't think that by January 1, 2000 everything will be
\nready. This is an ongoing process.<\/p>\n
This is why we ask regions to carry out authorities in areas
\nthey are best prepared. They don't have to implement all the
\nauthorities transferred by the central government.<\/p>\n
The Law No. 25 stipulates that they classify areas of
\nactivities in accordance to their needs, potential and
\ncapacities. The autonomy policy is highly flexible, so
\nimplementation can vary from one region to another.<\/p>\n
Take education, for example. Sampang regency in East Java, for
\ninstance, is so far only able to run elementary schools, so the
\nresponsibility to run junior and senior high schools can be given
\nto the provincial level of administration.<\/p>\n
In Jember regency (also in East Java), the local
\nadministration is able to run both elementary and junior high
\nschools, so the running of senior high schools should be the
\nresponsibility of the East Java provincial administration. The
\ncity of Surabaya, on the other hand, is ready to run all levels
\nof education.<\/p>\n
It is clear that each region has to run the autonomy policy
\nbased on its capacities. Regions need to assess their own
\ncapacities.<\/p>\n
Q: How would they do that, and how do regions divide fields of
\nauthority?<\/p>\n
A: Before the regional autonomy ministry merged with the home
\nministry, and when Pak Ryaas Rasyid (currently minister of
\nadministrative reform) was still there, we had established a
\nprogram to facilitate the regions and provinces in adopting the
\nautonomy policy. Following the 'merger' of the two ministries,
\nthe program was halted and has yet to be revived.<\/p>\n
We had expected the facilitators and personnel from the
\nregions to negotiate and assess the capabilities of each region,
\ncity or province. This would have made it clear which fields of
\nauthority should be handled by which regencies, cities, or
\nprovinces. This is something that can be negotiated between
\nregencies and provinces.<\/p>\n
This program collapsed after the two ministries were merged,
\nand the current minister (of home affairs and regional autonomy,
\nSoerjadi Soedirdja) seems to be unaware of the importance of this
\nparticular approach.<\/p>\n
Q: When Ryaas Rasyid was minister of regional autonomy, he
\nsuggested the establishment of a supervisory body for the policy
\nbut President Abdurrahman Wahid rejected this...<\/p>\n
A: That's true. We really wished to see the establishment of an
\nindependent regional autonomy board to monitor and evaluate the
\nimplementation of the policy by regions, and to coordinate
\nprograms and policies from various ministries. We had hoped that
\nit would mean smooth implementation of the autonomy.<\/p>\n
But Pak Soerjadi and Gus Dur rejected the idea. We don't know
\nwhy they rejected it. Instead, (the ministry) is said to be
\nseeking to establish a directorate general of autonomy which is,
\nin terms of authority, very limited and whose policies can be
\nbypassed by other directorate generals.<\/p>\n
Q: Are you implying that Gus Dur does not place any importance on
\nthe autonomy implementation?<\/p>\n
A: I don't know his vision. I am questioning his administration's
\npolitical will if the autonomy program ends up like this. The
\npublic has started to question too, whether he has the
\nwillingness to implement the regional autonomy policy. He refused
\nto establish one autonomy board, for heaven's sake.<\/p>\n
You can see how all other affairs have their own councils or
\nboards. Look at land affairs, for instance, which are currently
\nstill organized by the land affairs agency despite authority over
\nland having been transferred to regions. The same goes for family
\nplanning which also has its family planning board.<\/p>\n
There is a ministry for women's affairs, one ministry for
\nenvironment, another for research. Even forestry affairs, which
\nhad previously been transferred to regions and were managed by
\nonly a junior ministry, are now under a full ministry again. This
\nis despite the fact that forestry affairs are something that is
\nsmaller than regional autonomy as the autonomy policy covers
\nforestry as well.<\/p>\n
Then how is it that the autonomy policy is being handled by
\nonly one directorate general? Not to say a ministry, even a mere
\nboard is not given. He (Gus Dur) did not want it. He did not
\nthink that such an important matter as regional autonomy does not
\nhave an organizing board. Even land affairs, which would actually
\nbe adequately handled by one directorate general, are being
\ncoordinated by a land agency.<\/p>\n
This really beats me. How much more important can the autonomy
\npolicy get?<\/p>\n
Q: From the legal perspective, how ready are we with the autonomy
\nplan?<\/p>\n
A: Not ready at all. So many directives, criteria, standards,
\nnorms and procedures that are needed to implement the policy have
\nyet to be completed by the central government.<\/p>\n
The directives for the law on fiscal balance have been
\nratified already, but regional administrations have yet to
\nunderstand how they will be operationalized. Nothing is clear
\ndespite the fact that according to the planned schedule, detailed
\ndirectives should have been completed (last) November.<\/p>\n
Q: Would this affect the disbursement of foreign loans and flow
\nof investment to the regions?<\/p>\n
A: Of course! (How can investment flow) when there's no
\nregulations? It is the responsibility of the central government
\nto prepare the legal infrastructure, the rules and the standards.
\nIt would be very difficult to expect the autonomy policy to run
\nin an ideal manner.<\/p>\n
Q: How will it run then?<\/p>\n
A: Beats me. Go ask Pak Soerjadi, ask Gus Dur.<\/p>\n
Q: I mean, how do you think it will run?<\/p>\n
A: It will be chaotic, because there is a People's Consultative
\nAssembly (MPR) decree that says that if the central government is
\nunable to run all those rulings, then the regional
\nadministrations are allowed to establish their own rulings.<\/p>\n
If this happens, then individual regions can come up with
\nregulations that run counter with rulings prepared by other
\nadministrations.<\/p>\n
Q: How will the autonomy policy run in strife-torn areas such as
\nMaluku?<\/p>\n
A: The conflicts must first be resolved. Otherwise, how can there
\nbe an administration? So there is no special formula (for
\nautonomy in strife-torn areas).<\/p>\n
Q: But we do have a special formula for Aceh, namely the
\nconcession for the province to establish sharia (Islamic law).<\/p>\n
A: Aceh did get a special consideration because the region has
\nthis special characteristic in terms of religiosity. This does
\nnot hold for other regions because there's no such thing as
\nspecial religious consideration in the autonomy concept.
\nOtherwise, people of other faiths could make the same demand.<\/p>\n
It is not even clear how the sharia will be implemented in
\nAceh, whether it would follow the models of Saudi Arabia,
\nPakistan, Iran, Malaysia or Afghanistan.<\/p>\n
Q: What is the remaining role of Jakarta after the autonomy
\npolicy?<\/p>\n
A: It will certainly be diminutive. We don't need a big central
\ngovernment, anyway. We need a small but efficient administration,
\nwith reduced number of ministries, ministers and civil servants.<\/p>\n
Q: Will there be many transfers of civil servants to the regions?<\/p>\n
A: There is no need for such transfers. Transfers of civil
\nservants would be very difficult. We should opt instead for early
\nretirement and compensation for civil servants. (Deka Kurniawan)<\/p>",
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