Regional autonomy makes little headway<\/p>\n
Ridwan Max Sijabat
\nThe Jakarta Post\/Jakarta<\/p>\n
Regional autonomy, including special autonomy in the conflict-
\nridden provinces of Aceh and Papua, has made little headway in
\nthe years since its introduction, not only due to the
\ngovernment's apparent reluctance to implement the law, but also
\nlocal leadership problems.<\/p>\n
Five years after its introduction in January 2000, autonomy --
\nwhich was initially granted to redeem the central government's
\nsins, particularly during the New Order era -- is yet to make any
\nsignificant improvements to public services, social welfare or
\nregions' competitiveness, as stipulated in the newly amended 1945
\nConstitution and the regional autonomy law.<\/p>\n
Of course, it is fantastic progress that the nation is
\nentering a new era, a condition far different from that of the
\nNew Order era, with its corrupt, centralistic government under
\nSoeharto.<\/p>\n
In the current set up, regional autonomy rests on regencies
\nand municipalities. Each regency and municipality annually
\nreceives a huge amount of money -- General Allocation Funds (DAU)
\nand Special Allocation Funds (DAK) -- to deal with their
\n"domestic" affairs, including developing their potential to
\nimprove annual revenue and to empower their own people.<\/p>\n
But so far, autonomy is yet to yield significant changes to
\nsocial welfare and democracy.<\/p>\n
Take an extreme instance: Riau is known for its rich natural
\nresources, and has the highest annual per capita income in the
\ncountry, but the province has not yet been able to provide free
\nmedical services for residents suffering from Malaria, or free
\neducation under the compulsory nine-year preliminary education
\nprogram.<\/p>\n
Malaria has infected the majority of people living in the
\nprovince's swampy areas, especially in Indragiri Hilir, Indragiri
\nHulu and Kerinci regencies.<\/p>\n
Besides having no scheme to protect the environment, which has
\nnot helped when floods submerge the province almost every year,
\nRiau has failed to attract foreign investors, due to its corrupt
\nbureaucracy and poor infrastructure.<\/p>\n
Another extreme example is Alor in East Nusa Tenggara and
\nNabire in Papua, which were recently hit by strong earthquakes.<\/p>\n
Regional autonomy did not quicken the disbursement of
\nemergency aid to disaster victims in the two regencies.
\nMany tremor victims have been suffering from malaria,
\nmalnutrition, diarrhea, and respiratory problems due to the
\nabsence of medical facilities. The central government's
\nhumanitarian aid arrived in Alor several days after the arrival
\nof the Japanese government's aid relief in the regency.<\/p>\n
Regional autonomy is no guarantee that regions are better
\nprepared to handle natural disasters and local administrations
\nwill supply relief aid faster than under the centralistic
\nadministration.<\/p>\n
Disaster victims in Nabire will likely face a similar fate,
\nsince hundreds of people injured in the tremor have not yet
\nreceived the necessary medical aid, while thousands of those
\ntaking refuge in safe areas and staying in makeshift tents are
\nyet to be supplied with enough food.<\/p>\n
Nabire residents also faced such a condition in February, when
\nthe lives of seven people were claimed. Humanitarian aid from the
\ncentral and provincial administrations reached the regency two
\nmonths after the disaster, with transportation laid to blame.<\/p>\n
According to the regional autonomy law, autonomy should
\nimprove public services, social welfare and regions'
\ncompetitiveness.<\/p>\n
No region has given top priority to the development of public
\nhealth, transportation and education, three basic services, which
\ncomprise the very least the government could provide in return
\nfor taxpayers' money.<\/p>\n
However, these three services have almost become luxuries in
\nthe regions, particularly in remote areas, where people still
\nlack adequate health care, are poorly educated and find
\ntransportation costly. As WHO's 2004 annual report shows,
\nIndonesia is ranked lowest in the human development index (HDI),
\nfor the poor condition of its education and health sectors.<\/p>\n
Regional autonomy has faltered in the unreadiness of regional
\nadministrations, with many regional heads and councilors involved
\nin power abuse.<\/p>\n
A number of governors, regents, mayors and legislators elected
\nin the 1999 general election are still serving prison terms for
\ntheir involvement in corruption.<\/p>\n
The absence of legal certainty could also be seen both in
\ngubernatorial and regental elections and in the unveiling by
\nregional chiefs of annual progress reports.<\/p>\n
In certain regions, gubernatorial and regental elections ran
\ninto trouble due to the excessive interference of political
\nparties, and the heavy bearing of Jakarta's "final say". The
\ngubernatorial elections in Lampung, Central Java and North
\nSumatra, and the regental ones in many regencies over the last
\ntwo years, verged on farcical, due to the excessive interference
\nof former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, who also chairs the
\nIndonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).<\/p>\n
Several regents and mayors in Riau, Central and West Java were
\ndismissed by the former president for political rather than legal
\nreasons.<\/p>\n
The recently concluded review of the regional autonomy law
\nfailed to provide a more apt concept of regional autonomy
\nbecause, besides focusing more on direct regional leadership
\nelections, Law No. 32\/2004 regulates not regional autonomy but
\npower-sharing between Jakarta and the regions.<\/p>\n
Under Law No. 32\/2004, the central government does not only
\ndeal with foreign policy, defense, courts, religious and monetary
\naffairs as stipulated in Law No. 25\/1999 on regional
\nadministration, it has also assumed the authority to plan
\ndevelopment, and control and implement general policies in all
\nsectors.<\/p>\n
Jakarta has also re-centralized the recruitment of civil
\nservants and the promotion of local echelon officials and
\nreinstated the government's hierarchy, with the President in the
\ntop position and village heads ranked lowest.<\/p>\n
As during the New Order era, regents and mayors are obliged to
\nuphold the accountability of their administrations, not only to
\nregental or municipal legislatures, but also to governors, while
\ngovernors are required to maintain the accountability of their
\nadministrations, not only to provincial legislatures but also to
\nthe President through the Ministry of Home Affairs.<\/p>\n
The law was strongly opposed by regents, mayors and their
\nrespective associations. Neither did it win the positive response
\nof Jakarta amid the rampant power abuse of regional heads and
\nlocal politicians.<\/p>\n
They have also expressed their skepticism toward Susilo and
\nhis new government for his failure to propose changes to the
\nautonomy drive.<\/p>\n
The skepticism of regions and analysts emerged when Susilo
\nfailed to include an autonomy portfolio in his Cabinet lineup
\nand, instead, appointed M. Ma'ruf, a retired Army lieutenant
\ngeneral, as Minister of Home Affairs overseeing the Directorate
\nGeneral of Public Administration and Regional Autonomy.<\/p>\n
Public administration expert Ryaas Rasyid has questioned the
\nArmy's monopoly in the home affairs ministry, saying the ministry
\nwas in urgent need of a professional minister, instead of a
\nretired general, to deal with regional autonomy and to help speed
\nup the development of true democracy in the regions.<\/p>",
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