Reforming the military<\/p>\n
President Abdurrahman Wahid must find himself in a difficult
\nsituation as he embarks on the second year of his presidency this
\nmonth. The task of bringing about the democratic reforms
\nentrusted to him by the People's Consultative Assembly at the
\ntime of his election in October last year, are far from
\naccomplished, and nowhere can this be more true than in the field
\nof military reform.<\/p>\n
There is of course no doubt in the minds of politicians and
\nexperts alike that military reform is one of the urgent
\nnecessities if reform in other fields is to be successful. In a
\ncountry where the military has for almost half a century played a
\npivotal role in politics, any thought of establishing an
\neffective civil society might as well be abandoned unless the
\nmilitary can be led to discard its by now ensconced role in
\npolitics and accept a new one as a professional guardian of the
\ncountry's sovereignty.<\/p>\n
On the need for such a transformation, everyone, with
\nexceptions in certain quarters of the military, is in principle
\nagreed. Events of the past week, though, have clearly brought the
\nPresident -- and the public -- to the realization that bringing
\nabout such a change is a good deal easier said than done.<\/p>\n
Reports circulating earlier this month had it that the
\nPresident was considering the replacement of Indonesian Military
\n(TNI) Commander Adm. Widodo and a number of top-ranking officers
\nwithin the Army hierarchy. The public's attention, though,
\nnaturally went to the Army, which is traditionally the most
\ninfluential branch of the TNI. Within the military, the
\nPresident's moves were being awaited with no less concern.<\/p>\n
In all this, special attention somehow went to Lt. Gen. Agus
\nWirahadikusumah, a former commander of the Army's Strategic
\nReserves Command (Kostrad). Agus is widely regarded to be a
\nreformist and who the President in the early months of his
\npresidency had ordered to be given a post in Jakarta \"because his
\nvision makes him better suited for a post in Jakarta than in some
\nfar out region.\" People speculated on what position he would be
\ngiven in the new setup and who would be given the post of chief
\nof staff of the Army.<\/p>\n
To the conservative camp within the Army, however, Gen. Agus
\nwas unacceptable in any top position. For one thing, he had
\npublicly exposed some alleged financial irregularities within
\nKostrad. For another he was regarded too outspoken about matters
\nconcerning the military and its position in Indonesian politics.
\nTension rose to such a point that rumors of an impending military
\ncoup d'etat once again began circulating in Jakarta.<\/p>\n
As it turned out, the President wisely chose to take a
\nconciliatory position. Aside from keeping Adm. Widodo in his
\nposition, he appointed Lt. Gen. Endriartono Sutarto as the Army's
\nchief of staff, replacing Gen. Tyasno Sudarto. Known as a
\nprofessional soldier with no political interests, the appointment
\nof Gen. Endriartono is obviously a compromise that could satisfy
\nboth conservatives and reformists within the military. As for Lt.
\nGen. Agus Wirahadikusumah, the future looks uncertain although
\nhis career may by no means be finished.<\/p>\n
The choice of Endriartono, however, together with the flurry
\nthat accompanied the selection process, is a clear indication
\nthat reform of the military can only be accomplished through a
\ngradual process. Obviously, it is not easy for the military to
\ngive up the privileged position it has enjoyed for so long.
\nHappen, however, it will because democratic reform is a necessity
\nthat is dictated by the changing times. For the present, the
\nimportant thing is to prevent any rifts and conflicts within the
\nmilitary, which would only endanger and destabilize the nation as
\na whole.<\/p>",
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