Reform movement, racial violence in Surakarta<\/p>\n
By Risang Pamungkastiran and Tedy Novan<\/p>\n
SURAKARTA, Central Java (JP): In just three days, Surakarta
\nwas destroyed by fire. Starting as a peaceful demonstration May
\n14 at Surakarta Muhammadiyah University demanding reform, riots
\nfollowed, with looting, plundering and fires spreading throughout
\nthe town.<\/p>\n
More than a month has passed since the rioting but the pain
\nremains and many traumatized victims, mostly Chinese-Indonesians,
\nhave yet to resume their normal activities.<\/p>\n
This tragedy is added to a long sequence of anti-Chinese riots
\nin a town well-known for its high culture. In fact, racial
\ndisturbances in Surakarta, popularly known as Solo, have a long
\nhistory.<\/p>\n
According to Javanese cultural observer Suryanto Sastroatmojo,
\nconflict with Chinese-Indonesians originated in the 18th century.
\nThere was a rebellion against Keraton Kartosuro, supported by
\nChinese merchants, which later caused the kingdom to move to
\nnearby Surakarta.<\/p>\n
There were at least two other major racial conflicts in
\nSurakarta. In 1965, there were conflicts between Baperki (a
\npolitical party dominated by Chinese-Indonesians) and other
\npolitical factions. Another incident happened on Nov. 19, 1983,
\nwhen many buildings and vehicles belonging to ethnic Chinese were
\ndamaged.<\/p>\n
Cultural roots might be one of the reasons that makes people
\nin Surakarta easily provoked to start a riot against Chinese-
\nIndonesian, said M.T. Arifin, an employee of the Ministry of
\nJustice and also a cultural observer. Another thing is the
\ndomination Chinese-Indonesians seem to have in the economic
\nsector.<\/p>\n
Some Chinese-Indonesians do work hard to develop their
\nbusinesses but there are others who enjoy government facilities,
\ngrowing big through collusions with officials.<\/p>\n
The robust business activities of Chinese-Indonesians and the
\ndiscriminative attitude of the government bureaucracy in
\nSurakarta have created a tremendous gap between the indigenous
\nIndonesians and the Chinese-Indonesians, Arifin said. He added
\nthat under the leadership of Major R. Hartomo (from 1985 to
\n1994), more problems arose, such as land disputes, environmental
\ncontamination and the monopoly of many strategic businesses by
\nChinese-Indonesians.<\/p>\n
These facts are also acknowledged by H. Muh. Batmanto, 67, a
\nChinese Moslem figure in Surakarta. He said some rich Chinese-
\nIndonesians tend to live exclusively, which made it difficult for
\nthe indigenous people to accept them.<\/p>\n
Not all Chinese-Indonesians are like that and not all
\nindigenous people have a dislike toward them. But Batmanto
\nadmitted that there was suspicion between the two groups.
\n\"Therefore, when a mass of people started to form at the time the
\nstudents rallied, an anti-Chinese slogan ignited others to
\nfollow,\" said Batmanto, who has lived in Surakarta since 1956.<\/p>\n
\"The latest conflict is a mix of economical imbalance, an
\nangry mob, and an easily manipulated public utilized by factions
\nwho rode over the wave of the student movement,\" added Arifin.<\/p>\n
As a result, despite attempts by political parties and local
\nMoslem youth organizations and students, the riots could not be
\nhalted. After restlessness gripped Jakarta following the shooting
\nof four Trisakti University students on May 12, thousands of
\nstickers and posters asserting \"Peaceful reform without violence\"
\nwere distributed throughout Surakarta. This campaign was done
\ntogether with flags at half mast and condolence statements
\nreflecting the solidarity over the death of reform heroes. But
\nthe reality showed otherwise.<\/p>\n
On May 14, thousands of people marched through the streets of
\nSurakarta, as well as Kartosuro. They looted shops and other
\nbuildings, including banks and even houses, and damaged or burned
\nthem down.<\/p>\n
The riots, which lasted for three days, inflicted economic
\nlosses amounting to trillions of rupiah. In Surakarta, at least
\n410 motorcycles, 124 cars, 25 department stores and 38 shopping
\ncenters were set on fire. Twelve people were found dead in the
\nRatu Luwes department store, which was also burned down.<\/p>\n
It all started from the peaceful student demonstration at the
\nuniversity, supported by the community. They were later lured
\nfrom the campus by groups who then lead the anarchy and
\ndestruction.<\/p>\n
Incited by these groups, the rioters first set ablaze the
\nTimor car dealership in Kleco, then spread to shopping and
\nentertainment centers, including Benteng Plaza, Singosaren Plaza,
\nSami Luwes, Ratu Luwes and Atrium 21 Cineplex at Solo Baru, where
\nthe house belonging to House Speaker Harmoko is located.
\nHarmoko's house was burned down. A number of factories were also
\ngutted by fires.<\/p>\n
Batmanto and Arifin viewed the riots as incidents organized by
\ngroups with vested interest. They were taking advantage and
\nmanipulating the students' reform movement.<\/p>\n
\"From the pattern of the rioting, I detected that organized
\ngroups who received military-style training were behind the
\nriots,\" Batmanto said, while Arifin hinted that a certain youth
\norganization known to organize hoodlums may be involved.<\/p>\n
Surakarta's military district commander Col. Inf. Sriyanto
\nadmitted that, congruent with field data, the uprising in
\nSurakarta seems to have been guided and led by an organized
\ngroup. After inciting the public, these people moved to another
\nlocation. Surprisingly enough, even though done by a mass, the
\nlooting and arson targets appeared to be selective. \"This only
\nsupports our conclusion,\" he said.<\/p>\n
What amazed many eyewitnesses was that the military forces
\nseemed indifferent when the orgy of plundering and arson
\noccurred.<\/p>\n
\"When one group tried to break into a shopping mall, the
\nmilitary forces at the location seem to give them the chance.
\nThey should have been the ones to stopped these people,\" said
\nMuh. Yusuf, an activist of Surakarta Muhammadiyah University who
\nwitnessed the spreading conflagration in his hometown. According
\nto him, looters even carried gasoline containers and the
\nnecessary equipment needed to set the buildings alight.<\/p>\n
According to Arifin, to contain this ongoing problem, which
\nmay even contribute to the disintegration of society, there is a
\ndesperate need for a figure who has the cultural authority to act
\nas a bridge, to integrate assimilation. Unfortunately, even
\nthough Surakarta has the Keraton Surakarta, the kingdom no longer
\nhas cultural territories which may give the needed authority to
\nthe king to be respected by his people -- like the Sultan of
\nYogyakarta.<\/p>\n
With this reality, the potential for racial uprising shall
\nbecome an important agenda in the unfinished reform movement. No
\none wants this to happen again.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/reform-movement-racial-violence-in-surakarta-1447893297",
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