Reading the polls<\/p>\n
If the vote-count proceeds according to schedule, the final
\ntally will be completed in less than a fortnight. As expected,
\nthe political temperature rose once the ballot counting started
\nafter the April 5 legislative election.<\/p>\n
Last Friday, almost all of the 24 parties contesting the
\nelection demanded that the General Elections Commission (KPU)
\nrecount the ballots, alleging widespread vote-rigging. They seem
\nignorant that such a public plea is against the law. Election-
\nrelated cases are handled by the Constitutional Court and they
\ncan only bring cases to the court after the final count.<\/p>\n
Two days later, 19 parties formed an alliance and posed a more
\nbizarre demand -- that of a revote. Sources said the alliance was
\na veiled attempt to block the reelection of Megawati
\nSoekarnoputri. The political sentiment is clear: ABM -- Anything
\nBut Megawati.<\/p>\n
On Tuesday, National Mandate Party (PAN) chairman Amien Rais,
\nwho is also Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR),
\nset up the Save the Nation Axis along with Prosperous Justice
\nParty (PKS) chairman Hidayat Nur Wahid.<\/p>\n
Amien immediately drew criticism from various camps that
\naccused him of political maneuvering to advance his presidential
\nambition. Ranking seventh in the polls as of Thursday with about
\n5.5 million votes, PAN feels it has performed below its
\nexpectations, so a coalition has become an option.<\/p>\n
Amien's move has reminded the public of his Central Axis, a
\nloose grouping of Islamic-oriented parties that succeeded in 1999
\nto block Megawati from the presidency, although her party won the
\nelection.<\/p>\n
So far, Amien has not posed a serious threat to other leading
\ncontenders, particularly Golkar and the PDI-P, which rank first
\nand second, respectively, in the current vote tally. The PDI-P is
\nled by Megawati and Golkar by Akbar Tandjung, a bureaucrat-cum-
\npolitician nurtured under the Soeharto's authoritarian regime.<\/p>\n
Interestingly, the upstart Democratic Party and the six-year-
\nold PKS have a strong showing at the polls.<\/p>\n
The PDI-P seems likely to garner less votes than the record 33
\npercent that won it the top slot in the 1999 election. Golkar,
\nthe electoral vehicle of former president Gen. (ret) Soeharto,
\nlooks set to overshoot its 1999 achievement of 22 percent.<\/p>\n
The PDI-P's poor showing is attributable to the disappointment
\nof its supporters in the party and its leader, whom they had
\ntacitly learned had an authoritarian streak: Megawati has often
\npicked regents or governors against the interests of her
\nsupporters. Five years after the reformation movement, the people
\nare also tired of waiting for a change that never comes.<\/p>\n
Now that 60 percent of the ballots have been counted, what is
\nindicated by the current results?<\/p>\n
On the one hand, the tally shows that those who prefer the old
\nschool of politics are still strong: Golkar, the PDI-P and the
\nUnited Development Party (PPP) have respectively taken the first,
\nsecond and fourth slots. On the other hand, a wish for political
\nchange is reflected in the parties ranking fifth and sixth -- the
\nDemocratic Party and the PKS.<\/p>\n
Lest we forget, this election has pitted well-established
\nparties against relatively new parties. The National Awakening
\nParty (PKB), which has come in third, and the PKS have only been
\non the political scene these past six years, while the Democratic
\nParty has been around only three years.<\/p>\n
It would be illuminating to probe deeper into the demographics
\nof those supporting well-established parties and those supporting
\nnew parties; in particular, whether those who desire change live
\nmostly in urban areas and whether the greater availability of
\ninformation in cities, as opposed to rural areas, has influenced
\ntheir stance.<\/p>\n
There are many questions that need to be asked in regards the
\nelection. Among the more pertinent are: what will happen with the
\ndevelopment of democracy? Which leader would bring a change for
\nthe better?<\/p>\n
Taking a cue from the last election, the Democratic Party
\nbears a resemblance to the PDI-P. In 1999, Megawati was the
\nchampion of the poor and it was this image that won her the
\npresidency. Today, the Democratic Party's presidential candidate,
\nformer top security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is seen by
\nhis supporters as a victim of Megawati's political sidelining.
\nHowever, like the PDI-P in 1999, the party grossly lacks quality
\nlegislators, so history is likely to repeat itself if Susilo's
\nparty should win the election.<\/p>\n
Given the current political system under which political
\nparties still wield a lot of power, the next head of state must
\nhave a solid relationship with the House of Representatives, as
\nhe or she must make a lot of political concessions.<\/p>\n
Seen from this perspective -- barring the emergence of other
\nleaders -- Akbar Tandjung will be a more viable choice than
\nSusilo. The downside is that Akbar faces many obstacles: He must
\nwin the presidential candidacy at the Golkar convention next week
\nwhile he grapples with his tainted image as a corrupt politician
\n-- never mind his acquittal.<\/p>\n
We may agree with analysts who say that our leaders are of an
\nappalling quality. Yet, save their gross shortcomings, we must
\nlearn to accept whatever leaders come to the fore.<\/p>\n
Under such circumstances, the least the people can ask for is
\na leader who is able to deliver the message that we are, indeed,
\nmoving forward. The indication is clear -- no matter how faint it
\nmay seem -- that people are ready and willing for change.
\nOtherwise, we will be in for another five years without any
\nreforms.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/reading-the-polls-1447893297",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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