Quiet revolution in Southeast Asia<\/p>\n
This is the second of two articles based on an address
\npresented by Deputy Foreign Minister of Thailand Sukhumbhand
\nParibatra at the seminar on "The 1999 Indonesian Elections:
\nLessons Learnt and Challenges to Consolidate the Transition"
\norganized by the International Institute for Democracy and
\nElectoral Assistance in Jakarta on July 27, 1999.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA: The fourth challenge is the challenge of human
\nsecurity. We live in a fast-changing world. International and
\nregional interdependence is rapidly increasing. The existing
\nstate boundaries continue to be accepted as legitimate lines of
\npolitical division and points of reference for the conduct of
\nrelations among states. But individuals' security and wellbeing
\nare now more and more affected by transnational problems, such as
\nthe environment, drugs, diseases, trade in women and children,
\nand piracy.<\/p>\n
In such a world, the question is: should the ends of national
\npolicies and regional cooperation be simply the enhancement of
\nthe security and wellbeing of states and the region?<\/p>\n
My answer would be an emphatic "No".<\/p>\n
I believe that all of us should be concerned with the security
\nand wellbeing of the individual as well as the state's and the
\nregion's, that we should also proactively seek to promote "human
\nsecurity".<\/p>\n
At minimum, "human security" means freedom from fear and
\nfreedom from want.<\/p>\n
At maximum, "human security" means the achievement of a
\npolitical, social and economic environment, which guarantees the
\ndignity and rights of the individual and provides the framework
\nfor the development of the individual's capabilities to the
\nlimit.<\/p>\n
To enhance "human security", there has to be a fundamental
\nattitudinal change on the part of governments, especially where
\ntheir perceived roles as guardians of their states' sovereignty
\nand security are concerned. "National security" and "human
\nsecurity" need to be seen as two sides of the same coin.<\/p>\n
There has to be also a sense of shared responsibility and
\nshared destiny both among governments and between governments and
\npeoples. Resources, both national and regional, both public and
\nprivate, need to be fully mobilized to the enhancement of "human
\nsecurity", especially for the benefit of the poor and the
\nuneducated, the disabled and the marginalised, and the women and
\nchildren, who are innocent victims of circumstances,
\ndiscrimination, abuse and exploitation.<\/p>\n
The fifth challenge is the challenge of societal change.<\/p>\n
As discussed earlier, in the first two decades of the new
\ncentury, all the states in the region are likely to undergo far-
\nreaching economic and social changes.<\/p>\n
During these processes, social and political awareness is
\nlikely to increase, expectations multiply, and the agenda of
\npolitics and governance expand.<\/p>\n
If history is any guide, it is likely that such agenda will
\nsooner or later include such key questions as: individual rights
\nand civil liberties; human dignity and community interests;
\npolitical legitimacy and good governance; rights to political
\nparticipation and better livelihood; and the rule of law and
\nfreedom from religious persecution and certain forms of social
\nand economic exploitation. History also suggests that failure to
\naddress this challenge of societal change creates conditions for
\nconflict, instability and violence, as in the cases of Thailand
\nin 1970s and the Philippines in the 1980s.<\/p>\n
To address this challenge, I believe that there must be
\nprocess of self-renewal on the part of all societies concerned.<\/p>\n
One form of self-renewal is continuing political reform. It is
\nultimately necessary, both as a means of adjustment to and
\naccommodation with newly emerging societal demands and as a means
\nof bringing about politically sustainable economic growth over
\nthe longer term.<\/p>\n
Another form of self-renewal is the promotion of what I call
\n"development with a human face".<\/p>\n
The direction of social and economic development must serve,
\nnot only efforts to bring about national or regional security and
\nwellbeing, but also the causes of both the civil society and the
\nhuman person.<\/p>\n
Development must go beyond statistics and empirical data of
\nsocial and economic progress. It must increasingly embrace the
\nhuman dimension and respond to the changing needs and
\nexpectations of societies and all the individuals who are members
\nthereof.<\/p>\n
Complex and far-reaching changes and challenges lie ahead for
\nSoutheast Asia, as we approach the dawning of the new millennium.
\nIt will not be easy for the regional states to address them in an
\neffective and constructive manner. Regional cooperation provides
\nsome answers. But in the absence of a convergence of norms,
\nvalues, beliefs, and political and diplomatic practices among
\nthem, regional cooperation itself may become a victim of these
\nchanges and challenges. No one can or should intervene to change
\nthe existing domestic political arrangement in another country,
\nfor this will surely fail and cause irreparable damage to
\nregional cooperation. This means that regional dissonance may
\ncontinue to be a fact of life.<\/p>\n
But continued regional dissonance in the end may also cause
\nirreparable damage to the cause of regionalism. Therein lies the
\ndilemma.<\/p>\n
Realities are harsh and intractable. The challenges facing
\nSoutheast Asia can not be wished away like figments of
\nimagination. Governments and leaders have to accept many things
\nas facts of life. A person in my humble position even more so.
\nBut one always has the right to dream and one can always dream.<\/p>\n
I have a dream that ASEAN will become an increasingly
\ninfluential actor in world affairs, leading by wisdom, experience
\nand moral example.<\/p>\n
I have a dream that ASEAN will become an increasingly
\nintegrated regional community, with a growing convergence of
\nvalues and interests and with the capacity and will to address
\nall issues of common concern, especially those that touch the
\ndaily lives, security and wellbeing of ordinary citizens.<\/p>\n
I have a dream that one day all Southeast Asians will reach a
\nconsensus that democracy, despite its imperfections, is the best
\nform of governance in a less-than-perfect world, that democracy,
\nfar from being a western concept or value, can be planted and
\nnurtured to full and vibrant growth in our own way, in our own
\nconditions, in accordance to our expectations, priorities and
\nneeds.<\/p>\n
I have a dream that one day all Southeast Asians will be fully
\ncommitted to the task of promoting the fundamental principles of
\ndemocracy, namely human rights and civil liberties, voluntary
\nparticipation, good governance, accountability, transparency and
\nthe rule of law.<\/p>\n
I have a dream, as the authors and adopters of the ASEAN
\nVision 2020 statement of December 1997 did, that one day all
\nSoutheast Asian societies will be vibrant and open ASEAN
\nsocieties, where all the citizens enjoy equal access to
\nopportunities for further development, regardless of their
\ngender, race, religion, language, or social and cultural
\nbackground, and where the civil society is empowered and human
\ndignity protected, with special care given to the disadvantaged,
\nthe disable, and the marginalised.<\/p>\n
I have dream that, in this Southeast Asia of the future, in
\nthis Southeast Asia which is undergoing a quiet revolution, on
\nthe strength of its successful political reform, Indonesia as the
\nregion's largest country will continue to stand proud and tall
\nand make a leading contribution towards the peace, prosperity and
\nprogress of all Southeast Asians.<\/p>",
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