Protests challenge the government<\/p>\n
Following the controversial government-backed congress of the
\ntiny Indonesian Democratic Party in Medan last month, street
\ndemonstrations have been held in Jakarta and other cities.
\nSociologist Kastorius Sinaga comments on possible developments.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The rift befalling the Indonesian Democratic
\nParty, which was first limited to its leadership and mainly an
\ninternal issue, has now assumed grotesque proportions.<\/p>\n
In the past week, supporters of Megawati Soekarnoputri, now an
\nunrecognized leader of the party, have taken to the streets in
\nJakarta and in other normally dormant provinces.<\/p>\n
Physical clashes broke out on June 20 in Jakarta, injuring
\ndozens of demonstrators and security personnel and paralyzing
\ntraffic on the city's main streets.<\/p>\n
Disappointed supporters of Megawati continue to gather at the
\nparty's headquarters to listen to the daily message given by the
\ndeposed party leader.<\/p>\n
The situation resembles that in Myanmar, where hundreds of
\npro-democracy Myanmarese listen to the speeches of their leader,
\nAung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of the former president and
\nfounding father of the land of pagodas.<\/p>\n
The mass demonstrations have become a new headache for
\nsecurity personnel and the government, in its capacity as
\npolitical \"guardian\", seems to be cornered.<\/p>\n
Before the Medan congress the government backed Soerjadi and
\nhis supporters in their effort to dethrone Megawati. After the
\ncongress the government has had to face Megawati and thousands of
\nher increasingly militant supporters. Furthermore, as recent
\nevents in Ujungpandang have shown, using violence to tackle
\nstreet demonstrators has its risks.<\/p>\n
Now it looks as if the masses have become an important player
\nin the clash between the Megawati and Soerjadi camps.<\/p>\n
In a recent interview about the potential of the masses with
\nprivate TV station SCTV my response was simply to say: \"No
\ntransfer of power has ever taken place without the masses.\"<\/p>\n
The unification of Germany, the fall of eastern Europe's
\nsocialist regimes, the downfall of Marcos and the May 1990
\ndemocracy movement in Thailand which sent the Thai military back
\nto the barracks are but some examples of the involvement of the
\nmasses in the last ten years.<\/p>\n
Even the New Order government owes its existence to the
\nsupport and sacrifices of the masses.<\/p>\n
But not all mass movements have achieved their objectives. A
\nnumber of factors come into play, including the political context
\nin which they take place, the base of the masses and the quality
\nof their leaders.<\/p>\n
If the masses are engineered to support something artificial,
\nthey will be reduced to a mere instrument with quasi-power.<\/p>\n
But if the political context as well as economic and social
\naspects are in the interest of the people, mass violence need not
\noccur.<\/p>\n
Now the clash has widened to involve democratic activists from
\nother groups which have long been waiting for two things:
\npolitical change and leadership.<\/p>\n
The decaying political state of the nation has become a
\nbreeding ground for radicalism. The \"floating masses\", a product
\nof government policy, may soon be transformed into a formidable
\nforce.<\/p>\n
The writer is a social sciences lecturer in the University of
\nIndonesia's post-graduate program.<\/p>",
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