Power holders 'must minimize violent backlash'<\/p>\n
Violence continues to linger on as a major destabilizing
\nfactor in the current political environment. Public affairs
\ncommentator Wimar Witoelar reflects on this phenomenon.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The recent bombing of the Istiqlal Grand Mosque
\nin Central Jakarta is the latest incident of a form of terrorism
\nnew to Indonesia. Whether or not former president Soeharto is
\nbehind the terrorism, as some have speculated, is immaterial.<\/p>\n
In fact, the latest news on the Istiqlal terrorists seems to
\nindicate the involvement of extremist groups. But the blast would
\nnot have happened if this were not a time of transition.<\/p>\n
Riots in Jakarta and Kupang, the widespread violence in Ambon,
\nMaluku and in Sambas, West Kalimantan, are all part of the
\npolitical scenario.<\/p>\n
They were not spontaneous outbursts of ethnic, religious or
\nsocial tension. They are the violent end of a power structure
\nwhich arrived on the scene forcefully and ruled without mercy for
\n32 years. The leaders of the New Order regime, lacking a graceful
\nexit scenario, have launched a desperate gambit to prolong their
\nstay. This merely follows the examples of corrupt and bankrupt
\nregimes all over the world too myopic to prepare for political
\ntransition.<\/p>\n
When Soeharto was in office, his main achievement was to
\npreserve the balance of power, over which he reigned supreme.
\nLoyalties were sealed and opposition was obliterated by incisive
\nmaneuvers using various instruments of power: security, position,
\ninterests and money. Now, money is the main instrument to prolong
\nthe end game. That is why no clearly defined person or groups can
\nbe identified as the perpetrators of violence.<\/p>\n
Terrorist bombings elsewhere in the world usually come with
\nclaims, demands or statements from the perpetrators. Here,
\nterrorists have no motive except to create fear. No message is
\nnecessary because the mission is to confuse and demoralize. The
\nterm \"provocateur\" has become part of the political idiom of
\nIndonesia today, implying professionals creating public mayhem.<\/p>\n
There has been so little containment of violence that we do
\nnot know the position of the government. Cabinet leaders continue
\nto prance about their administrative territories; action on
\nviolence is not on the agenda.<\/p>\n
And no political force in Indonesia is powerful enough to
\nchallenge Soeharto, even when he is out of office.<\/p>\n
The fall of Soeharto's New Order regime was not caused by
\npolitical opposition, but by an implosion caused by external debt
\nand internal loss of inspiration. The regime's bankruptcy was
\nmarked by economic collapse, treated only by political change and
\nSoeharto's resignation.<\/p>\n
The nation went into free fall because President B.J. Habibie
\ncould not fill the vacuum of authority. The dramatically labeled
\n\"Reform Cabinet\" could not satisfy the reform-seeking public.
\nInstead of serving as an interim government, the Habibie Cabinet
\nbecame the focal point of controversy and corruption. They
\nreformed politics just enough to allow new vested interest groups
\nfill the vacuum.<\/p>\n
Instead of the Soeharto-inspired conglomerates you now have
\ngroups who escape creditors by clinging closely to political
\npower. Cabinet ministers are aligning themselves to launch their
\nown political ambitions.<\/p>\n
The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
\nnaive to politics of greed, became unwitting accomplices of
\nmaster manipulators of public trust.<\/p>\n
Habibie himself shows little interest in supporting, let alone
\norganizing, a smooth transition. A statesmanlike retreat could
\nactually ensure him a golden place in history much better than
\nhis personal flights of ego.<\/p>\n
Instead of meeting public needs, he is making promises.
\nInstead of cleaning up, he is allowing government factions to
\nhelp themselves to public assets.<\/p>\n
Corrupt bankers, state enterprises and aid money have become
\nfund sources for the Habibie campaign. The Golkar Party and the
\nPeople's Rule Party (PDR) have become extremely defensive about
\nthe origins of their logistical strength.<\/p>\n
The majority of the people support the coming general
\nelections, but there is only lukewarm confidence in their impact.
\nFor the general public, there is a vast distance between the
\nelections and an improvement in their lives.<\/p>\n
With no clear standards to measure fairness, the outcome will
\nhave a strong bearing on public acceptance. Polls and random
\nobservations show the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
\n(PDI Perjuangan), the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the
\nNational Awakening Party (PKB) are major contenders. Golkar has
\nthe organizational and financial edge, but lacks emotional
\nsupport. Should Golkar and pro-status quo elements win,
\ninstability is likely to increase.<\/p>\n
The legal system is weak but political awareness is very high.
\nThe only good news in the reform picture is the free press, which
\nis fiercely defended by Minister of Information Muhammad Yunus.
\n\"Better a free press without a nation than a nation without a
\nfree press,\" is a Thomas Jefferson quote Yunus fondly recites.<\/p>\n
In fact, the Ministry of Information is much more protective
\nof a free press than other groups close to political power. The
\nmedia are playing an active role in raising levels of critical
\nperceptions.<\/p>\n
If the elections fail to satisfy the public, the specter of
\npublic protest becomes very real once again. The May 21, 1998
\nSoeharto resignation is only an interim step in the quest for
\ntotal reform. Habibie and other leaders of the New Order
\ngovernment must also go. No matter how much Golkar and the New
\nOrder fall over backwards, history is not on their side.<\/p>\n
We just hope the people in power realize they can make a
\ndifference in minimizing the backlash of violence, by taking
\npositions alongside the people rather than with an unwanted
\nregime. For that, they will earn the gratitude of a weary public.<\/p>\n
The writer is a political observer based in Jakarta.<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/power-holders-must-minimize-violent-backlash-1447893297", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }