Politicking Islam to solve Aceh problem<\/p>\n
Otto Syamsuddin Ishak, Sociologist, Author, 'Dari Maaf ke Panik Aceh'
\n(From Apologies to Aceh Panic), Jakarta<\/p>\n
The Aceh administration seized the ritual momentum of the
\nIslamic New Year, 1 Muharam 1423 (March 15, 2002) to declare the
\nimplementation of syariah or Islamic law in the province.<\/p>\n
Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh, whose management is still under
\nthe spotlight for alleged corruption, has also declared he is
\nclean.<\/p>\n
The declaration reflects that bureaucrats will be clean; it
\nalso implies a call to forget corruption cases involving members
\nof the civilian and military bureaucracies -- instead of
\nuncovering and eradicating corruption. Attempts to make people
\nforget human rights violations seems to be the next step.<\/p>\n
In Aceh, military domination marked by combat policy, the
\nintelligence and territorial operation and the dispatch of some
\n50,000 soldiers has become the basis of Jakarta's bureaucracy
\nfrom the provincial to village administrations.<\/p>\n
However, crimes against humanity (mysterious murders, mass
\nexecutions, burnings, lootings, kidnapping and extortion) and
\nother crimes (illegal levies in the streets, corruption, illegal
\nlotteries, drug abuse and prostitution) have increased rapidly,
\nwhile public space for civil society which strives for a
\nsovereign and dignified life is narrowing.<\/p>\n
The introduction of syariah in Aceh has been said to serve as
\nan instrument to help speed up the solution to the Aceh problem.<\/p>\n
Yet there is a strong indication that syariah has been used as
\nJakarta's political instrument in solving its conflict with Aceh
\n-- not as a means of fostering a civilized life as is inherent in
\nthe basic meaning of the word syariah.<\/p>\n
Aceh is occupied by the oldest Muslim community in the
\narchipelago. It is well known not only as the starting point of
\nIslamic propagation in the country; it was also the center of
\nIslamic thought in the era of Hamzah Fansuri, a Muslim religious
\nleader related to Sufism.<\/p>\n
Islam has become a foundation for the Acehnese community, one
\nthat lives as a sovereign, dignified and highly civilized people.
\nThough the Acehnese strongly adhere to Islam, they have been able
\nto accommodate sectarian, religious and ethnic plurality. Before
\nAceh became part of Indonesia, there were no sectarian, religious
\nand ethnic conflicts in that region.<\/p>\n
Therefore the Acehnese had never thought of establishing an
\nIslamic country (except a sultanate) as much as they have neither
\nthought of implementing syariah. The latter idea surfaced in the
\n1950s, when the Acehnese, led by Tengku Daud Beureueh as the
\nregion's head, were struggling to free themselves from
\nIndonesia's \"political betrayal\" by establishing the Islamic
\nRepublic of Aceh.<\/p>\n
In the reconciliation between Aceh and Jakarta, one demand was
\nthe implementation of syariah. During the New Order period, the
\nspecial status was merely symbolic, serving as Indonesia's
\nacknowledgement of the Acehnese' services to the Republic. It was
\nnot regarded as it should be: A result of reconciliation or as
\npart of the Aceh-Indonesia political contract, which was renewed
\nin the 1960s.<\/p>\n
When Aceh's status as a military operation region (DOM) was
\nrevoked on Aug.7, 1998, and the demand for upholding human rights
\nwas ignored, the Acehnese strove to end Indonesia's role as the
\nruling state in Aceh. Demands emerged for a referendum of self
\ndetermination, whether Aceh should separate from the Republic.<\/p>\n
However Usman Hasan, the chairman of former president B.J.
\nHabibie's team of advisors and Safwan Idris, rector of the Ar-
\nRaniry State Institute for Islamic Studies (IAIN) in Kutaraja in
\nAceh, who allegedly harbored ambitions to become minister of
\nreligious affairs, proposed the implementation of syariah in
\nAceh, a measure which was said to win the hearts of the Acehnese.<\/p>\n
In mid 1999, the Acehnese began to be trapped in provocative
\nactions such as raiding individuals who were suspected of
\nviolating syariah, long before it was officially introduced.
\nThere were instances of arbitrary capture, trial and punishment
\nin public of males and females involved in adultery by stoning
\nthem to death, parading or cutting their hair in front of a
\nmosque and so forth.<\/p>\n
In some villages, men caught women and girls who did not wear
\nthe jilbab (head scarves) and women also caught men who failed to
\nperform the Friday prayers at the mosque (compulsory for males).
\nSeeds of conflicts between people, caused by religion, began to
\nbe sowed. Revenge spread from one village to another; villagers
\nwould capture other villagers on charges of violating syariah,
\nwhen they had heard of the capture and abuse of fellow residents.<\/p>\n
In time people realized that such actions could trigger
\nneedless conflicts among themselves. Unfortunately, Habibie's
\nsuccessor, Abdurrahman Wahid, in his globe-trotting trips, would
\nrepeatedly say that the Acehnese were fundamentalists and that
\nthe Free Aceh Movement harbored ambitions to set up an Islamic
\nstate. This tactic was adopted to ensure that the real tragedy of
\nthe Acehnese, who are victims of crimes against humanity, would
\nnot gain international sympathy.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman or Gus Dur, further encouraged the introduction of
\nthe syariah as a solution to the conflict between Aceh and the
\nRepublic of Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Syariah in Aceh is the product of three regimes. The
\ninitiative for this special law first came into being when
\nHabibie was president. Then in Gus Dur's era, it was legalized
\nand today, during the administration of Megawati Soekarnoputri,
\nit has been implemented.<\/p>\n
Strangely, Gus Dur, renowned for his background of \"cultural
\nIslam\" has legalized attempts to apply Islam in Aceh's social,
\neconomic and political structure -- a measure which can only be
\nexplained by political interests. Aceh's cultural Islam, which is
\ninclusive as it accommodates many schools of Islam, could not be
\napproached by the \"exclusive\" cultural Islam championed by Gus
\nDur. Hence, having Aceh adopt a \"structural Islam\" seems to be
\nJakarta's main current political agenda regarding Aceh.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur's intention started to become clear when the Laskar
\nJihad entered Aceh, and KAMMI, the student movement affiliated
\nwith the Justice Party, raised artificial issues such as women
\nhaving their photographs taken without headscarves, and raising
\nopposition to Acehnese suggestions that a third country be
\ninvolved as a mediator in the conflict with Jakarta.<\/p>\n
Thus, Gus Dur's policies to politicize Islam are evident in
\nthe way that they have opened the door for a strict movement of
\nIslam, whose proponents have appeared anti-Western, undemocratic
\nand are not concerned with the crimes against humanity in Aceh.<\/p>\n
Such proponents therefore share the above characteristics with
\nthose of Jakarta's mainly military policy.<\/p>\n
If Laskar Jihad and KAMMI are not concerned with Indonesia's
\ncrimes against humanity in victimizing the Acehnese, then Jakarta
\nwill benefit from having these crimes hidden. If militaristic
\nactions aim to divide the Acehnese and avoid the attention of the
\ninternational community, then eventually this will happen, as a
\nresult from new problems posed by a shift of focus to symbolic
\nreligious matters and the rejection to outside \"interference\" on
\nthe state of the humanitarian affairs of the Acehnese.<\/p>\n
If syariah cannot resolve Indonesian crimes against humanity
\nin Aceh, then what is its significance? Is syariah only a means
\nto control people who wear shorts, while those wearing trousers
\nand carrying rifles continue to kill the Acehnese and are allowed
\nto roam throughout all corners of Aceh and Indonesia?<\/p>\n
The application of syariah in Aceh would therefore only be a
\nwaste of energy.<\/p>",
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