Political parties and their leaders' plight<\/p>\n
Frank Feulner, State -- Civil Society Adviser, United Nations
\nSupport Facility, For Indonesian Recovery (UNSFIR), Jakarta<\/p>\n
Indonesia's national politics have been affected by the
\nongoing economic crisis and major social conflicts simmering
\nthroughout the country.<\/p>\n
The 1999 elections were a historic milestone, but
\ndemocratization does not end with general elections.<\/p>\n
In the period between plebiscites, party politics seem to be
\ntaking precedence over national politics.<\/p>\n
We can see this in the debate over high ranking party
\nofficials holding concurrent posts -- a debate which involves all
\nmajor party leaders right down from President Megawati
\nSoekarnoputri, Vice-President Hamzah Haz, Speaker of the House of
\nRepresentatives Akbar Tandjung, Speaker of the National Assembly
\nAmien Rais to Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza
\nMahendra.<\/p>\n
There's growing frustration about how to resolve this thorny
\nissue i.e. that party leaders who make it to a top political post
\nare not considered true leaders of the nation if they do not give
\nup their party leadership posts.<\/p>\n
What the public worries about most is that personal or group
\ninterests are being placed over national interests. Political
\nparties are driven to play their role which is crucial in a
\ndemocracy, that is to act as a channel of people's aspirations
\nand as a tool to find majorities for decisions in parliament.<\/p>\n
However, a just and fair democratic system cannot be achieved
\novernight and major deficiencies still exist.<\/p>\n
Among others are mistaken perceptions about the functions of
\npolitical parties, restrictive internal party rules and an
\nelectoral system of proportional representation that still
\nensures continuing control of party leaders over their party
\nmembers and which does not allow voters to directly elect their
\ncandidates for parliament.<\/p>\n
There are two main strands of thought on the issue of
\nconcurrent posts. One says that top party leaders who hold public
\noffice but who refuse to give up their party posts are selfish.
\nThese people are accused as not taking into account the wider
\npublic interest but are only acting for their own short-term
\ninterest and therefore cannot be seen as true statesmen.<\/p>\n
The public eye is directed at the party leaders of the biggest
\npolitical parties holding the country's major public offices --
\npoliticians from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI
\nPerjuangan) and the United Development Party (PPP), from the
\nGolkar Party, the National Awakening Party (PAN), and the
\nCrescent and Star Party (PBB).<\/p>\n
There is resentment over the double ownership of posts because
\nof the perception that high profile national politicians do not
\nonly belong to their parties but exist to serve the people.<\/p>\n
Others argue however, that it is exactly for the reason of
\nmaintaining a healthy democracy, that political parties are
\nneeded. Ideally, political parties formulate and present
\nalternative choices on how major issues should be tackled.<\/p>\n
On election day, based on the choices on offer, citizens then
\ncast their votes for a political party in order to make their
\npreferences heard. Parties draw up their lists of candidates
\nstanding for election and upon winning certain seats in
\nparliament these are filled accordingly.<\/p>\n
It is exactly through this process that office holders gain
\ntheir legitimacy and by putting the parties' programs into
\naction, the holders of public offices via the parties still
\nremain accountable to the people.<\/p>\n
This is the theory but the Indonesian political reality looks
\ndifferent. The political landscape suffers from a paucity of
\nalternative policy options and the dominance of party leadership
\nboards over their respective members at the base together with an
\ninadequate election law make simple black and white positions on
\nthe issue impossible.<\/p>\n
It is unrealistic to hope that politicians will serve the
\nnational interest without distraction. At the same time it is
\nnaive to think that the existence of political parties will
\nautomatically lead to accountability to citizens.<\/p>\n
Polls among Indonesian voters have shown that the various
\nparty agendas are almost unknown and votes are usually cast with
\nregard to the individual at the helm.<\/p>\n
The opportunity for political leaders to abuse their powers
\nfor party interests are evident and the reports in the media on
\nthe common practice of traveling to party gatherings on state
\nexpenses is only one example. The problems political parties in
\nIndonesia face today were created during the New Order period.
\nSince then, non-accountability of parties to voters is paired
\nwith personalistic leadership boards.<\/p>\n
The fact that Golkar was not considered a political party
\nduring the Soeharto years meant that all its representatives
\nacted in their own individual interest. However, their position
\nwas generally seen as a Golkar position.<\/p>\n
Unless political parties reform themselves and create
\ndemocratic structures from within by allowing party members to
\nchoose their leaders and election lists freely, they will not be
\nable to fulfill their viable function in a democracy.<\/p>\n
Structural changes to the political system need to be made so
\nthat there is more accountability. Direct elections of the
\npresident would be one step; introducing the possibility of
\nelecting party candidates for national and regional parliaments
\ndirectly, and allowing the voters to move preferred candidates up
\nonto the election list would be another.<\/p>\n
Party platforms have to become more issue-based, hence
\nwidening the choice of the voters. Additionally, the decision of
\nwhether Indonesia should opt for a real presidential or real
\nparliamentary system is long overdue.<\/p>\n
In established democracies elsewhere, the doubling of
\ngovernment positions with political party positions is not an
\nissue.<\/p>\n
A systemic transition towards democracy is a long process and
\nthe arena for free public discussion of pressing issues in
\nIndonesia is ready to be used.<\/p>\n
The views reflected in this article are strictly personal and
\ndo not necessarily represent the views of UNSFIR or any other UN
\nagency.<\/p>",
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