Police need to thaw cold relations with public<\/p>\n
By Adrianus Meliala<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): During the recent graduation ceremonies of
\nmilitary and police academy cadets, President Abdurrahman Wahid
\nstressed that all graduates should be more aware of the situation
\nsurrounding the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police
\n(Polri).<\/p>\n
Since both have been constantly condemned for their past
\nmistakes, followed by demands to eradicate their involvement in
\npolitics and business, it would be wise to remind anybody
\nenrolling in TNI or Polri at this time to be more careful.<\/p>\n
Is it to late to make graduates of the police academy -- young
\nsecond lieutenants -- realize the reality, in terms of how
\ndistant the police are from society? It seems so, for by now they
\nwould have been in the military-structured academy for three
\nyears, and would have enjoyed being part of a very powerful
\ninstitution. They have already absorbed all the doctrines, values
\nand procedures -- many of which are no longer valid.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, it would be better late than never. Polri's new
\nposition as a civilian organization outside of TNI promises big
\nchanges. Among the initial and urgent projects prepared by the
\npolice headquarters are revision in its educational system and
\nmethods.<\/p>\n
It is believed that the source of the wide gap between the
\npolice and the public it is supposed to protect starts from the
\npolice education of new personnel. The military-like system and
\nvalues in police education have been blamed as a source of public
\nresentment, and must be scrapped in anticipation of the police
\nstanding on its own two feet.<\/p>\n
Following the end of its relations with all elements related
\nto TNI, the public will still have to wait for 10 years or more
\nto feel the result of the changes being initiated. But there is
\nno guarantee that what is being done today will have any success.
\nIndeed, civilianizing the police cannot be undertaken in a
\nradical manner.<\/p>\n
When the National Police joined the armed forces in the mid
\n1960s, the military structure and administration slowly took over
\nPolri. Even militaristic values came to be part of the police. As
\na newcomer in the armed forces, Polri was clearly weak in
\nresistance and became the "military in police uniform" rather
\nthan the contrary.<\/p>\n
One result of this combination gave birth to the paradox of
\nwhat was expected of the police: trigger-happy police officers,
\nbrutality in criminal investigations, widespread corruption and a
\ndire lack of upholding legal supremacy. Other characteristics of
\nPolri so far are the strict (but dumb) loyalty to defend a
\nsuperior's political interests and the vulnerability to
\nintervention, mainly by the military and powerful elements in
\nsociety.<\/p>\n
In short, during the 32 years under Soeharto, Polri was denied
\nits role as a sensitive police organization, in the sense of
\ndedication to the public. Instead, the police blinded itself to
\npublic interest, and together with its "old brother", the Army,
\nthe police did what they could to defend Soeharto's regime until
\nhis last days in power.<\/p>\n
A clear indication of the relationship between the police and
\nthe public is the arson attacks on about 250 police offices in
\nthe last four years. This is glaring evidence of the inability of
\nthe police to understand what the public actually wants in terms
\nof handling and resolving cases.<\/p>\n
The police force has claimed it is starting to change, and has
\nasked the public to help in its transitional period of total
\nseverance from the military. The police force formally separated
\nfrom the armed forces on April 1, 1999.<\/p>\n
The around 350 second lieutenants recently inaugurated by
\nPresident Abdurrahman Wahid are the first generation of academy
\ngraduates who accepted part of the new version of police
\ncurriculum, as the new curriculum was only enforced this year.<\/p>\n
A few fields in which the old militaristic curriculum was
\nunsuitable to police work were military training, guerrilla
\nwarfare training and hours of parade exercises.<\/p>\n
In a lengthy, focused discussion in mid-1999 with a group of
\ncadets before they finished courses, this writer saw indications
\nthat, after two years of studying under the old curriculum and
\nanother year studying under the new one, this generation has
\ndeveloped a specific police occupational-related culture
\ndeveloped by other graduates.<\/p>\n
It is suspected that when this revised curriculum interacts
\nwith existing values, symbols and group commitments, which are
\nstill alive in the police community, this produces a "hidden
\ncurriculum".<\/p>\n
"Observing the public as an object of policing" is just one
\nvalue of this informal curriculum (Sarwono, Meliala, Parsudi,
\n1999). Its implementation varies, and is reflected in officers'
\narrogant behavior, unfounded charges against civilians and the
\nuse of excessive force. Put simply, these police cadets still
\nhave the potential to be insensitive officers when they resume
\nservice.<\/p>\n
The introduction of a probational period is one breakthrough
\nin the new curriculum. It is hoped that during the probation all
\ncadets will stop believing they are different from society and
\nare hence entitled to privileges.<\/p>\n
In this program, these young second lieutenants will not be
\ngiven positions enabling them to be commanding officers. Instead,
\nthey will have to help other officers, including sergeants on the
\njob. One high-ranking officer explained, "let them feel how hard
\nit is to be a rank-and-file officer who experiences sweat, blood
\nand tears when handling what the public expects from them. It is
\nhoped this will make them wiser when assigned as commandant."<\/p>\n
While efforts are ongoing to sensitize the police in the face
\nof the aforementioned constraints, hopefully the next generation
\nof cadets will be trained under the completely revised
\ncurriculum.<\/p>\n
Since this initial one-year period is regarded as an
\napprenticeship period, there is a possibility of failure among
\ncadets, with a consequence of demotion. As this new rule
\nbasically extends academic life within the academy to four years,
\nsome will no doubt complain. But for their own sake and that of
\nthe public they will later serve, it is better to postpone their
\nassignment for a year rather than produce more insensitive
\nofficers.<\/p>\n
The writer is a criminologist at the University of Indonesia,
\nDepok, and coauthor of a number of books on the police.<\/p>",
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