Playing with politics<\/p>\n
It is certainly a relief to learn that the government has
\nfinally presented the drafts on political laws -- which many hope
\nwill provide the foundations of our democracy -- to the House of
\nRepresentatives (DPR). The bills, on political parties, general
\nelections, the composition of the People's Consultative Assembly
\n(MPR), the House of Representatives (DPR) and the first and
\nsecond level regional legislative councils (DPRDs), were
\nsubmitted on Thursday.<\/p>\n
Deliberations should begin this week. Although late in coming
\n-- we recall that President B.J. Habibie had promised to present
\nthe bills in August -- there is no reason why they cannot be
\ncompleted in time to allow the country to hold a general election
\nin May as scheduled. Our chief concern is not so much about the
\ntiming, as the extent to which these new laws would ensure a
\ntruly democratic system, and whether the deliberations in the
\nHouse would also be democratic.<\/p>\n
On these two fronts, unfortunately, the picture is not very
\nencouraging. To start with, the bills were drafted by the
\ngovernment with little consultation from outside, except with the
\ndominant political grouping Golkar and the Armed Forces (ABRI),
\nboth considered to be within Habibie's inner circle. Golkar and
\nABRI also dominate the House. They have the numbers necessary to
\nensure they have their way, either through the behind-the-scene
\narm twisting to reach consensus as in the past, or through voting
\nin the House.<\/p>\n
To be fair to the government, the political system envisaged
\nby the proposed legislation represents a major departure from the
\nold system, which as we know, was designed single-handedly by the
\nautocratic Soeharto, with the support of Golkar and ABRI, to
\nsustain his power, which lasted for 32 years.<\/p>\n
Among the major differences in the new system are: a greater
\nemphasis on a district over a proportional representative
\nelectoral system; a multiparty system against only three
\npolitical groups contesting the polls; more elected, rather than
\nappointed, representatives in the MPR and the DPR; a significant
\ncut in the number of ABRI appointees in the MPR and DPR; and a
\ngreater role for the public and the political parties vis-a-vis
\nthe government in overseeing and administering general elections.<\/p>\n
Through these bills, Habibie appears to be trying to remove
\nmany of the weaknesses of the past system. At first glance, there
\nseems to be a genuine attempt on his part to change, and to move
\ntoward a more open and democratic political system. But first
\nimpressions can be deceptive. No person in their right mind and
\nwith strong concern for the nation should fall into this trap.<\/p>\n
We have to constantly remind ourselves that most of those in
\nthe government, ABRI, the MPR and DPR are essentially the same
\npeople who barely six months ago gave their unquestionable
\nsupport not only to Soeharto, but also to the corrupt political
\nsystem. They had rejected the demands for reforms until the very
\nlast minute and jumped ships just in time, when it became
\napparent that Soeharto was losing his grip.<\/p>\n
By default rather than by the will of the people, they are now
\nentrusted to lead the nation down the path of reform. Still,
\ngiven their recent history, their intentions must be questioned.
\nThey cannot and must not be trusted.<\/p>\n
They are giving as little as possible, responding only to
\ndemands. The fact that they are now talking about reform cannot
\nbe genuine, but rather a response to the needs of the time.
\nThings could be different if Habibie had stuck to his promise not
\nto run for president. But it is now clear he and his inner circle
\nhave a vested interest in seeing that the electoral system
\nreturns both himself and Golkar to power next year.<\/p>\n
The rest of the nation is left with no choice but to allow the
\nDPR and MPR, whose members are essentially the same as those six
\nmonths ago, to deliberate on the political bills. Yet, the rest
\nof the nation should not simply sit and watch. We can exert
\npressure, even greater pressure than we have been exerting,
\nthrough demonstrations and discourses to let them know of our
\nposition.<\/p>\n
History has shown that these politicians would only give
\nconcessions under pressure. If we want maximum concessions from
\nthem, we simply have to exert maximum pressure. Democracy, and
\ntherefore the future of our nation, is far too precious to be
\nleft in the hands of the likes of Habibie and his inner circle.<\/p>",
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