PKPB to ride legacy of 'the smiling general' to amass votes<\/p>\n
Frans Surdiasis, Research and Development Unit, The Jakarta Post<\/p>\n
The latter half of 2003 saw the re-emergence of the daughter
\nof former president Soeharto, this time on the political stage.
\nBusinesswoman and former minister of social services Siti
\nHardiyanti Rukmana, well known as \"Tutut\", was touted as
\npresidential candidate of the new party under another familiar
\nface to many -- former Army chief of staff under her father's
\nrule, R. Hartono.<\/p>\n
Along with the political activity of other figures from the
\nformer regime, as shown in drafts of legislative candidate lists,
\nthe re-emergence of Tutut and Hartono merely confirmed the
\nperception that many New Order regime figures were on the
\ncomeback trail after the regime's ignominious downfall in 1998,
\nand not necessarily with a different ideology.<\/p>\n
The establishment of the new party, the Concern for the Nation
\nFunctional Party (PKPB), and its presidential candidate Tutut
\nraises more alarm bells about the return of the former first
\nfamily and their cronies, as Hartono indicated that the party has
\nbeen given a direct blessing from Soeharto, dubbed the \"Smiling
\nGeneral\" after the title of his biography.<\/p>\n
The party sells tried and true basics like \"developing
\nbusiness and entrepreneurship to increase public welfare\" but
\nalso a few \"reformist\" aspirations like military professionalism
\nand respect for human rights. Yet it appears to remain true to
\nits roots. The word \"functional\" refers to its roots in Golkar
\n(Golongan Karya) which, Hartono said, Soeharto recommended in a
\nmeeting with him (the meeting itself raised demands for the
\ncourts to reopen the latter's corruption case because apparently
\nhe is not as impaired as doctors had claimed).<\/p>\n
Astutely building on the hopes of a considerable number of
\npeople who fondly remember the rapid economic development under
\nSoeharto, Hartono even went so far as to state that anyone who is
\nanti-New Order is against the state's five official ideological
\nprinciples, or Pancasila. (belief in: one God, humanity, national
\nunity, people's representation and social justice.)<\/p>\n
That was the main mantra against dissenters in the days before
\nreformasi, and it now sounds quite offensive to many people.<\/p>\n
Trying to imitate the early success story of Golkar, this
\nparty expects to rely on two pillars as its main supporters:
\nFormer leaders of Golkar and retired military officers, despite
\nthe fact that a number of former Golkar people have already set
\nup other parties. Some mass organizations politically affiliated
\nwith the New Order are also considered a potential source of
\nvotes.<\/p>\n
The party originated from a mass organization set up in April
\n2000 by Hartono, the Concern for the Nation, which focused on
\nissues of the economy and education. On Sept. 9, 2002 the PKPB
\nwas declared and its members did indeed include former top Golkar
\nexecutives, in addition to a number of retired generals.
\nHartono has reportedly said that the PKPB would be akin to the
\n\"old Golkar\" to differentiate from the \"New Golkar\" (the name it
\nchose after reformasi and used for the 1999 election campaign)
\nled by Akbar Tandjung.<\/p>\n
So the core selling point of the party seems to be \"reform has
\nfailed, let's go back to the Soeharto era.\"<\/p>\n
A number of surveys indicate that many are suffering from a
\nuniquely Indonesian version of SARS -- not that frightening
\npneumonia-like disease, but Sindrom Aku Rindu Soeharto (I miss
\nSoeharto syndrome), and to them the post-Soeharto years have seen
\nlittle improvement, if not worsened, regarding welfare and
\nemployment.<\/p>\n
The party does seem to have the power, money and connections
\nto market its political ideas. First, they have very good
\norganization and a solid network by any standards. PKPB is the
\nfirst party which registered with the General Election Commission
\n(KPU) and one of six new parties that passed KPU verification in
\nthe first stage.<\/p>\n
Second, Hartono claims 3.5 million active members throughout
\nthe country, and the involvement of Soeharto, as indicated by the
\nparty leadership, ensures a well-funded party, or the beginnings
\nof one.<\/p>\n
Third, Hartono's party also has the ear of the \"Cendana inner
\ncircle\", a reference to Soeharto's Central Jakarta neighborhood.
\nFourth, the party's main asset for public exposure is Tutut, who
\ngained some popularity for her charitable activities.<\/p>\n
A serious hurdle is, of course, the party's outlook which is
\nnow perceived as out of touch with the times. Even people who say
\nlife under Soeharto was better will likely still vote for Golkar,
\nwhich tries to accommodate some of the new Indonesian aspirations
\nof reform and the ideals of democracy.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, the old powers could be significant players if
\nthey can consolidate all pro-Soeharto people and lure the many
\nswing voters, particularly those who have lost jobs in the last
\nseveral years.<\/p>\n
As a new party that rarely makes public statements -- they
\nwould be quite dry without Tutut and her demure smile anyway --
\nPKPB is not yet that well-known by people. This is another of its
\nweaknesses.<\/p>\n
Yet the party seems confident of at least being able to win
\nthe minimum 3 percent of votes to be entitled to nominate a
\npresidential candidate. After all, it is counting on Soeharto
\nloyalists and their entire families.<\/p>\n
Tutut is also a legislative candidate for Yogyakarta, her
\nfather's hometown, and that could be cut into some of the votes
\nfor the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) which won
\nthe most seats in the past election there, as well as Golkar's
\nSultan Hamengkubuwono X. Hartono will compete for a seat in
\nMadura, East Java, and will thus pose a challenge for the
\nNational Awakening Party (PKB) and the United Development Party
\n(PPP) in that province.<\/p>\n
The result of the challenges posed by parties that campaign on
\ntheir connection to the New Order will be evident in the results
\nof the 2004 elections -- presuming that we can all exercise our
\nfree, informed will. It will be a litmus test of sorts to see
\nwhether Indonesians are still prepared to endure this seemingly
\nendless transition to real democracy and reform -- or are fed up
\nand willing to trust \"the old forces\" again, which would now be
\neager to show that they are the ones who can provide the much-
\ndesired prosperity and security.<\/p>\n
Excerpts of PKPB's vision\/mission:<\/p>\n
o To defend the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia;<\/p>\n
o To develop business and entrepreneurship to increase public
\nwelfare;<\/p>\n
o To increase the quality of faith, morality and the ability of
\nbelievers to practice religion;<\/p>\n
o To conduct education and training in line with people's needs;<\/p>\n
o To empower women and the young generation;<\/p>\n
o To build a clean and democratic government which respects and
\nupholds human rights;<\/p>\n
o To develop discipline and obedience of the law;<\/p>\n
0 To support the development of professionalism among the
\nIndonesian Military and National Police.<\/p>",
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