Picking sides on E. Timor battlefield<\/p>\n
By Ati Nurbaiti<\/p>\n
DILI, East Timor (JP): The red-and-white flag of the Republic
\nof Indonesia symbolizes the blood of the brave and the truth that
\nthey fought for.<\/p>\n
But to many East Timorese it has become a sign of force.<\/p>\n
The flags lining the way to Liquica, the regency where what
\nthe Catholic church calls a \"massacre\" took place in early April,
\nare a sign to outsiders that the local prointegration militia is
\nin charge. This is regardless of the fact that a member of either
\nprointegration or proindependence camps could be potential
\nsuspects of the incident, judging from reports of the chain of
\nevents that led to between seven and 25 estimated deaths.<\/p>\n
Buses full of passengers heading for Kupang in East Nusa
\nTenggara, via Liquica, carry the Indonesian flag and a few
\npassengers wear bandannas of the sacred colors.<\/p>\n
The symbols hopefully provide some assurances of safety during
\narbitrary road checks by prointegration groups -- before many of
\nthe passengers join others to start a new life outside of the
\ntroubled province.<\/p>\n
The beauty of the sea and beach below the winding roads to
\nLiquica belie the tension that locals and passersby are
\nexperiencing.<\/p>\n
The prointegration militia led by Joao das Silva Tavares
\nclaims 50,000 members. They appear to be in power now while
\nproindependence groups are lying low, a reverse situation from
\nthe early days of the reform movement in which the fall of former
\npresident Soeharto brought demands for a referendum to determine
\nEast Timor's future.<\/p>\n
The demands eventually resulted in a plan for a UN-organized
\ndirect ballot in July. Proindependence groups claim support from
\n99 percent of the 800,000 East Timor population, relying on the
\nbinding power of longtime trauma of civil war and the actions of
\nthe military here.<\/p>\n
One proindependence supporter is Carlos, a restaurant
\nemployee. \"The laws (of Indonesia) are very good,\" he says. \"But
\nthe soldiers are cruel, so we'll all choose independence.\"<\/p>\n
He had just warned his children to stay inside after hearing
\nshots, though he did not know from where they were fired. \"Stay
\nhome, if you're shot elsewhere your body will be just thrown out
\nand we won't be able to bury you,\" he ordered them.<\/p>\n
But diverse views prevail regarding the degree of voluntary
\nsupport and membership in both the proindependence and
\nprointegration camps. The views are further blurred by leading
\nmembers of the community who have shifted from one camp to
\nanother, either out of safety concerns, conscience or ambition,
\nlocals say.<\/p>\n
Dili Police chief Col. Timbul Silaen explains that
\nprointegration groups are gaining support because they do not use
\nforce. When proindependence groups under the National Resistance
\nCouncil for an Independent East Timor (CNRT) were in their
\nheyday, residents felt forced to give money and express support,
\nhe said.<\/p>\n
Ordinary people also join prointegration groups to seek safety
\nin the face of the groups' panicked reaction to the possibility
\nthat the referendum results show a preference for independence.<\/p>\n
Residents face sudden questioning on the streets; civil
\nservants leaning toward the proindependence side are on a hit
\nlist for their government facilities to be taken from them.<\/p>\n
\"If the proindependence groups win, we will be the first to
\ndie,\" a prointegration leader said as quoted by a member of the
\nNational Commission on Human Rights in explaining their fears.<\/p>\n
Many have been terrorized and killed by proindependence
\ngroups, leaders said.<\/p>\n
The commission, which was here from April 17 for a planned 10-
\nday visit as part of its peace-making efforts, met a number of
\nprointegration leaders. They said the Armed Forces (ABRI),
\nmembers of which initially seemed to favor them, were now more
\nneutral.<\/p>\n
Besides, troops have been reduced and the prointegration
\ngroups feel they have been left to defend themselves.<\/p>\n
Military<\/p>\n
Up to mid-April, however, military and civilian authorities
\nwere still seen attending official gatherings of the
\nprointegration militia.<\/p>\n
If there are any instances of violence, such as on April 17 in
\nwhich at least 13 were killed following such a gathering, the
\nmilitary and police could claim to be understaffed. Then
\nprointegration leaders would most likely accuse the
\nproindependence Falintil militia of provocation.<\/p>\n
One survivor of April 17 in Dili said he had fled his village
\ntwo months ago to escape intimidation from prointegration
\nmilitia.<\/p>\n
\"I would gladly join them if they didn't use force,\" the
\nfarmer said.<\/p>\n
A refugee in Liquica said he and his family had sought shelter
\nto escape prointegration groups.<\/p>\n
However, a lawyer here said the proindependence CNRT used to
\ntax coffee growers, \"Just like Jakarta's preman (hoodlums).\"
\nThis, he said, led to resentment of the organization, led by
\njailed independence fighter Jose Alexandre \"Xanana\" Gusmao.<\/p>\n
Eurico Guterres, deputy commander of a prointegration group,
\ntold The Jakarta Post that people enlist freely rather than
\nbecause they need safety guarantees.<\/p>\n
\"Because it is the best choice for them,\" he said.<\/p>\n
It is unrealistic to expect independence all of a sudden,
\naccording to the long-haired leader.<\/p>\n
Eurico himself leads the Aitarak militia -- it means the
\n\"'thorn' to thrust betrayers\" of the country, he said. He
\nreportedly has lost his father, grandfather and uncle to
\nproindependence militia.<\/p>\n
One reporter says that in six months of frequent
\ndemonstrations demanding a referendum, the prointegration groups
\n\"have been free to walk the streets\". Some attribute this to the
\nhigher discipline of the CNRT and its armed wing.<\/p>\n
\"Now the prointegration people beat and harass people after
\nonly a week of power,\" he said.<\/p>\n
And so the conflicting views continue about how people
\nwillingly join or are forced to join either camp. Both provide
\nsome respect and security to the unemployed. Neither are armies,
\nbut both have access to various weaponry.<\/p>\n
Both have been condemned, and fingers point to the government
\nfor the resulting lawlessness and senseless deaths among the
\npopulace.<\/p>\n
CNRT has offices -- its \"shadow government\" -- down to the
\nvillage level, and prointegration groups are perceived as being
\nclose to the authorities.<\/p>\n
The direct ballot in July should finally reveal where the
\npeople's hearts lie, although observers say residents have not
\nreally understood the government's offer of wide-ranging
\nautonomy.<\/p>\n
The April 21 peace pledge was hurriedly prepared to catch up
\nwith necessary preparations for the ballot, while the whereabouts
\nof bodies from the Liquica killings and those in Dili a few days
\nearlier is still unclear.<\/p>",
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