People dream of better life under Megawati<\/p>\n
Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post<\/p>\n
Megawati Soekarnoputri is the second vice president, after
\nB.J. Habibie to be appointed, not elected, president by the
\nPeople's Consultative Assembly (MPR) because their predecessors
\nhad to vacate their positions long before their five-year terms
\nwere due to end.<\/p>\n
Both Habibie and Megawati inherited political and economic
\nchaos from Soeharto. However, Habibie was a major player in the
\nSoeharto regime, while Megawati and her family were among
\nSoeharto's most tragic victims.<\/p>\n
In October 1999 there were at least three people who openly
\nexpressed a wish to lead Indonesia from that time until 2004. But
\nonly one of them, Megawati, had the chance to realize the dream,
\neven though she had to wait two more years.<\/p>\n
Habibie, who replaced Soeharto after bloody turmoil in May
\n1998, entrusted Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung with the task of
\nsecuring him the 1999-2004 presidential seat. Habibie, who was
\nSoeharto's golden boy and served as Soeharto's deputy for three
\nmonths before Soeharto's fall, failed to realize his ambition
\nafter the MPR rejected his accountability speech.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman Wahid, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) chairman and founder
\nof the National Awakening Party (PKB), defeated longtime ally
\nMegawati Soekarnoputri in the 1999 presidential election despite
\nthe fact that PKB came fourth in the general election.<\/p>\n
Championed by National Mandate Party (PAN) leader Amien Rais
\nand United Development Party (PPP) chairman Hamzah Haz, Muslim-
\noriented political parties succeeded in blocking Megawati's
\nelection. The position of her party, the Indonesian Democratic
\nParty of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) as the biggest faction in the
\nAssembly and the winner of the 1999 general election, appeared to
\nbe meaningless at that time.<\/p>\n
Only after violence hit the country following her defeat in
\nthe presidential election did her adversaries in the Assembly
\ngive her a chance to contest the vice presidential election. She
\nwas elected vice president after a tight race against Hamzah.<\/p>\n
On July 23 this year, Megawati became the country's fifth
\npresident following Abdurrahman's dismissal by the Assembly.
\nSeeming to put aside their opposition to her two years
\npreviously, leaders of Islam-oriented political parties fully
\nendorsed Megawati's appointment after their hopes were dashed
\nwith Abdurrahman's dismissal.<\/p>\n
Hamzah, who in 1999 had openly said that it was against Islam
\nto have a woman president, was elected vice president with the
\nsupport of PDI Perjuangan.<\/p>\n
Megawati gave an unexpected display of independence when she
\nselected her \"dream team\" Cabinet in August. Under the leadership
\nof Coordinating Minister for the Economy Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-
\nJakti, many were enthusiastic that the economics team would be
\nable to restore market confidence in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Minister of Finance Boediono was respected for his integrity
\nand nonpartisan position, despite having been implicated in the
\nBank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI) scandal. As former top
\nexecutive of PT Astra International, there was no doubt about the
\ncapability of Minister of Industry and Trade Rini Soewandi in
\nleading her ministry.<\/p>\n
Now Dorodjatun has come under fire. Some Cabinet members have
\ncomplained that Dorodjatun often treats them like university
\nstudents. And there has been no significant progress in the
\neconomy.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, despite strong opposition from PDI Perjuangan and
\nhusband Taufik Kiemas, Megawati has retained Bambang Kesowo, who
\nworked for her when she was vice president, as state\/Cabinet
\nsecretary.<\/p>\n
Bambang is an experienced bureaucrat who was a key aide under
\nSoeharto. His specialty is legal affairs. Megawati understands
\nthat she cannot survive without support from the bureaucracy,
\nalthough she knows how corrupt the system is.<\/p>\n
Realizing that the military is vital in that it has the
\npotential to disrupt her presidency, Megawati has refrained from
\nmeddling in the military leadership. She has not replaced
\nIndonesian Military (TNI) Commander Adm. Widodo, although some of
\nher close advisors have disclosed that she wants to assign former
\nArmy chief of staff Gen. Tyasno Sudarto as Widodo's successor.
\nLed by incumbent Army Chief of Staff Gen. Sutarto Endriartono,
\nTNI leaders have expressed support for Widodo and oppose Tyasno's
\npromotion. At the same time that do not want to defy Megawati in
\npublic.<\/p>\n
The result of her readiness to compromise with the military is
\nreflected in the improvement of political stability and security,
\nwhere riots and violence have, to a certain extent, abated since
\nAugust. She has also tolerated the continuation of military
\noperations in Aceh. Indeed, the military may feel much freer to
\nact now compared with during Abdurrahman's presidency.<\/p>\n
After the days of disorder under Abdurrahman's leadership,
\npolice took stern action against radical groups like the Islam
\nDefenders Front (FPI) during the peak of anti-U.S. demonstrations
\nin September and against the Laskar Jihad in recent riots in
\nNgawi, East Java.<\/p>\n
Police eventually arrested Tommy Soeharto, just after the
\nPresident warned that she was losing patience with the police's
\nslowness in handling Tommy's case.<\/p>\n
Her reserved behavior is often an advantage. She rarely
\nresponds to any criticism of her leadership, although in limited
\npublic meetings she sometimes expresses impatience with her
\ncritics.<\/p>\n
The terrorist attacks on the U.S. in September were a turning
\npoint for Megawati. Her position as the leader of the world's
\nmost populous Muslim nation attracted world attention. She was
\namong the first foreign leaders to be received by U.S. President
\nGeorge W. Bush after the tragedy. Many, however, are disappointed
\nthat the President failed to get more concessions from Western
\ncountries, especially in reducing Indonesia's huge foreign debts.<\/p>\n
It would be unfair to expect her to immediately pull the
\nnation out of crisis. Even if she had as her ministers people of
\nworld-class statue, for example former U.S. president Bill
\nClinton, they would be unable to overcome Indonesia's problems in
\na short time. Soeharto caused such severe damage to the nation
\nthat it might take years to rectify.<\/p>\n
Megawati's qualifications are often underestimated, such as
\nwhen she was an opposition leader during Soeharto's rule. She is
\noften described as an ordinary woman who was lucky to be the
\ndaughter of founding father Sukarno. She is often described as
\nanother Soeharto, or as a president who cannot control her
\nhusband.<\/p>\n
There appears to be a consensus among the political elite not
\nto disrupt Megawati's leadership and to allow her to govern
\nwithout interference until 2004. Her ministers also feel more
\ncomfortable in their work knowing she will not interfere in their
\nday-to-day duties.<\/p>\n
However, there is a strong impression that Megawati does not
\nhave a strong sense of crisis and tends to act slowly, as though
\nshe expects the problems to resolve themselves. She spends every
\nTuesday attending to PDI Perjuangan affairs and every Saturday
\ngardening.<\/p>\n
She has achieved her dream of returning to the palace after
\nbeing cruelly expelled from the palace in the 1960s following the
\nfall of her father.<\/p>\n
But when will people's dream to have a better life in
\nIndonesia under her leadership become reality?<\/p>",
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