Peace agreement in Aceh -- Third time lucky?<\/p>\n
Endy M. Bayuni, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
It is encouraging to note that the signing of a peace
\nagreement between the Indonesian government and the rebel Free
\nAceh Movement (GAM) planned for next month is gaining widespread
\nsupport, particularly from quarters where it matters most.<\/p>\n
This agreement obviously has its share of doubters and
\ndetractors, but there seems to be a greater optimism today than
\nwe saw at the time of the two earlier agreements that were made
\nin 2001 and 2002. So, does this mean third time lucky?<\/p>\n
We shall know in good time. But there is hope.<\/p>\n
The House of Representatives has backed down from its earlier
\ndemand that it be consulted before the Aug. 15 signing in
\nHelsinki. Most House factions have agreed to discuss GAM's demand
\nthat local political parties be allowed to contest elections in
\nAceh. The lone opposition in the House is coming from the
\nIndonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), but they are not
\nin a position to stop the signing from taking place.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian Military (TNI), whose soldiers have been on the
\nfrontlines in fighting the rebels for 30 years, has given its
\nbacking for the peace process to continue. None of its senior
\nofficers have voiced objections to the planned signing, and they
\nhave largely -- and rightly -- stayed out of the controversy
\nabout regional political parties.<\/p>\n
What is most amazing is that the support for the peace
\nagreement is mounting even though its details have not yet been
\nfully disclosed. The government and GAM both agreed after their
\nlast meeting this month that full details should not be made
\npublic until after the signing.<\/p>\n
What little detail has been disclosed so far are sufficient to
\nguess that both sides are making significant compromises to make
\npeace possible, with GAM dropping their demand for independence,
\nand in return, Indonesia allowing the possibility of regional
\nparties to emerge. GAM has agreed to surrender its weapons in
\nreturn for the phased withdrawal of TNI forces to the minimum
\nlevel. There is going to be an amnesty for all GAM members, and
\nas free men they will be able to run in elections, starting with
\nthe local elections scheduled for next year in Aceh. We also know
\nthat European and Southeast Asian nations have been invited to
\nsend observers to monitor the implementation of the agreement.<\/p>\n
These terms seem all too easy and doable to be believable.<\/p>\n
How could such a simple deal be struck to end a conflict that
\nhas gone on for three decades and claimed the lives of more than
\n15,000 mostly innocent people? And how will this Helsinki
\nagreement, the result of a mere five meetings, be any different
\nfrom the earlier agreements that failed?<\/p>\n
The first of these failed agreements was the Humanitarian
\nPause signed by representatives of the two sides in May 2001 when
\nIndonesia was led by President Abdurrahman Wahid. The agreement
\nbrought peace momentarily, but seven months later the two sides
\nresumed fighting without even bothering to renounce the agreement
\nthey had signed.<\/p>\n
The Cessation of Hostilities Agreement came into effect in
\nDecember 2002 when Indonesia was under President Megawati
\nSoekarnoputri. The agreement, brokered by the Geneva-based Henry
\nDunant Center, broke down just as GAM was supposed to surrender
\nits weapons and the TNI begin its phased withdrawal from Aceh.
\nThe two sides went back to war within six months when the
\nIndonesian government declared martial law in Aceh.<\/p>\n
The devil is always in the details, and the two earlier
\nagreements that Indonesia and GAM signed faltered precisely when
\nthey tried to implement the more complex parts of the deal. So,
\nuntil we see the full details of the new Helsinki agreement it
\nwould be hard for anyone to estimate its chances of success.<\/p>\n
We do know however that conditions today are far different
\nfrom the situation when the two earlier agreements were signed.<\/p>\n
One thing for sure is that GAM has already dropped its demand
\nfor independence, a point that the Indonesian government has long
\ninsisted was not negotiable. Everything else was open for
\ndiscussion, including the establishment of regional political
\nparties.<\/p>\n
The devastating tsunami in Aceh in December put tremendous
\npressure on both sides -- but on GAM in particular -- to make
\ncompromises in Helsinki so that the massive rehabilitation and
\nreconstruction program in Aceh could get underway. Neither side
\nwants to be accused of obstructing the rebuilding of Aceh, which
\nis being heavily financed by the international community. And GAM
\nmembers are missing out on a chance to take part in the
\nreconstruction of their own homeland.<\/p>\n
And finally, perhaps, we have all learned enough lessons from
\nthe first two agreements to know where the pitfalls are and how
\nto avoid them. It's not so much a question of third time lucky as
\na question of learning from our past mistakes.<\/p>\n
One of the lessons learned from the past is that there will
\nalways be detractors, on both sides, who will do anything to
\nsabotage the peace process in Aceh. They were present in the two
\nagreements in 2001 and 2002, and they had their way. They are
\npresent today.<\/p>\n
Those who truly crave for peace in Aceh must make sure that
\nthese detractors don't prevail this time around. If we fail this
\ntime, it may be a case of three strikes and everybody's out.<\/p>",
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