Part 1 of 2: Democracy, defense and development<\/p>\n
Juwono Sudarsono, Jakarta<\/p>\n
From a centralized government backed by the military for more
\nthan 32 years under President Soeharto, Indonesia today remains
\nthe focus of attention of many policymakers and academicians. The
\nquestions posed were: Can civilian-dominated politics take root
\nin Indonesia and become the vanguard of democratic government in
\na country that has the largest Muslim population in the world?
\nCan a democratic government, facing multiple economic and
\nfinancial crises, recover sufficiently in the short run to
\nrelease itself from the vicious circle of political instability,
\neconomic stagnation and social conflict?<\/p>\n
What is the role of the military in the new political
\nenvironment? Will the military's repositioning in the new
\npolitical system enhance both democracy and development? Finally,
\nhow efficiently will Indonesians utilize, to the maximum, their
\nendowed natural resources for equitable and sustainable
\ndevelopment in an increasingly competitive regional and global
\nenvironment?<\/p>\n
Let us first take up some general points about the first \"D\":
\nDemocratic government. Most social and political scientists would
\nagree that a functioning democracy would require the following
\nunderpinnings:<\/p>\n
An agreement on fundamentals about state identity (what is it
\nto be Indonesian?) to galvanize and underpin the diversity of 300
\nethnic groups across 17,000 islands, unevenly distributed in the
\ndensely populated island of Java (65 percent of the population
\nwith 15 percent of the land area).<\/p>\n
The outer islands where resource-rich provinces (Aceh, Riau,
\nEast Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Papua) are largely underpopulated
\nand have less political leverage at the central government level.
\nOur first president, Sukarno, provided the basis for state
\nidentity, Pancasila, by which all Indonesians are theoretically
\nbound to believe in, because of the resonance and resilience of
\nthese precepts in the body and soul of all Indonesians from Aceh
\nto Papua.<\/p>\n
An important aspect of Pancasila is that although Indonesia is
\nthe largest Muslim country, it is not an Islamic state. In fact,
\nIslam and democracy are compatible in Indonesia precisely because
\nour version of Islam is enriched through healthy interaction with
\nother faiths.<\/p>\n
Our challenge, of course, is to continuously replenish the
\nvitality of that state identity and the notion of \"Indonesian-
\nness\" through broader social, economic, judicial and political
\nparticipation. As the world's fourth most populous country and
\nthird largest democracy, we must rise to the challenge that the
\ndemocracy we have committed ourselves to will be able to deliver
\nthe goods to the deprived, the desperate and the despondent.<\/p>\n
A \"critical mass\" is needed from the locally defined middle
\nclass, ideally comprising at least 30 to 40 percent of the
\npopulation, who will define civic government and become the
\n\"transmitters\" between the very rich and the very poor. While
\ncomparisons can be misleading, democracies generally function
\nwith agreement on fundamentals only if a committed middle and
\nlower class enjoy access to basic human needs (food, shelter,
\nclothing) and public goods: electricity, roads, harbors, public
\neducation, primary health care.<\/p>\n
The GDP per capita ideally should be at least $3000-$4000 with
\nmonthly household spending ranging between $500 and $1500 a
\nmonth. They constitute the concerned citizens who fight for
\ngrowth and equity, for a fairer political and legal system and
\nwho vigorously contest unwarranted gains from the economic pie.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, GDP per capita of $1300 and 15-20 percent
\nmiddle class show that our path towards a functioning democracy
\nremain marked by glitches, the crashing of social and cultural
\ngears across ethnic, provincial and religious lines before it
\ngets better in 10-15 years. Kalimantan, Aceh, Poso, Ambon and
\nPapua in recent years have shown the seriousness of our
\nleadership challenges.<\/p>\n
A competent and professional bureaucracy enables government to
\nfunction properly and truly be a provider of public goods in
\nterms of the delivery of services through taxation and fiscal
\nmeasures in order to provide utilities(road, harbors,
\nelectricity, telecommunications, potable water ) to the larger
\npopulation.<\/p>\n
In this respect, Indonesia's four million-strong bureaucracy
\nstill leaves much to be desired. The bulk of our civil service is
\nlargely undertrained and lack the capacity to run a functioning
\nadministration, which should be able to effectively allocate
\ncritical social services.<\/p>\n
For a nation of 215 million there are just 5,000 Ph.Ds in all
\nfields ranging from bio-technology to the arts.<\/p>\n
The second \"D\" has to do with the role of the Indonesian
\nMilitary (TNI). For more than 30 years (1966-1998) it defined the
\nparameters of governance at all levels: national, provincial,
\ndistrict and local. Because the system lacks the fundamentals of
\ndemocratic government (organized political parties, civic groups,
\na politically neutral civil service) the TNI became all-pervasive
\nin defining domestic security and external defense.<\/p>\n
Its all encompassing national security doctrine sanctified
\nactive and retired officers to gain prominent roles in the ruling
\npolitical party, the bureaucracy, in the legislature, the
\njudiciary, the prosecutors office and the court system. Up until
\n1999-2000, the police were under the authority of the TNI
\nheadquarters. Each service had independent sources of extra-
\nbudgetary funding through clusters of foundations, enterprises
\nand cooperatives.<\/p>\n
The writer is the Minister of Defense.
\nThis is an excerpt of his speech, presented recently at the 13th
\nSenior Course (KSA-XIII) at the National Resilience Institute
\n(Lemhannas).<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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