Papua liberty will not get international support<\/p>\n
The week-long Papuan People's Congress ended in Jayapura on
\nSunday with a declaration that the easternmost province of Irian
\nJaya is no longer part of Indonesia. Political researcher Ikrar
\nNusa Bhakti of the National Institute of Sciences (LIPI) sees the
\ndeclaration as unlikely to win international support.<\/p>\n
Question: Do you consider the recent declaration of the Papuan
\nPeople's Congress legitimate?<\/p>\n
Ikrar: Any party can say whether it is legitimate or not.
\nHowever, recognition of its legitimacy should not come from the
\nIndonesian government but from the international community.
\nInstead of saying that the congress was not legitimate, the
\ngovernment should have said that any part of Indonesia is not
\nallowed to declare independence from the republic.<\/p>\n
Q: But President Abdurrahman Wahid has said the government could
\nnot recognize the congress' results because it was attended by
\nforeigners, while Papuans who are against independence had been
\ndenied from participating in it. Your comment?<\/p>\n
I: The presence of foreigners at the congress should not make any
\ndifference as long as they were there just witnesses or
\nobservers.<\/p>\n
On the absence of prointegration Papuans, I can say that they
\ndidn't dare to attend because they were intimidated and
\nterrorized. In their campaign, proindependence Papuans have used
\nnot only words but also physical actions against prointegration
\npeople.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you expect the congress would win international support for
\nPapua's declaration?<\/p>\n
I: It will be very difficult for them to get international
\nsupport because as long as the United Nations (UN) still
\nrecognizes its resolutions No. 1752 of 1962 and No. 2504 of 1969,
\nPapua will be internationally recognized as being under the
\nsovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Resolution No. 1752 of 1962 demanded that the Netherlands hand
\nover its sovereignty of Papua to Indonesia through the United
\nNations Temporary Executive Authority, while resolution No. 2504
\nof 1969 endorsed the plebiscite's results, confirming that
\nPapuans supported integration into Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Q: But the congress rejected the resolutions on the grounds that
\nPapuans were never consulted...<\/p>\n
I: They cannot say that the resolutions were illegitimate because
\nthey were approved by the UN members through voting, in which the
\nmajority of them expressed support and none of them were against.
\nOnly a few of abstained.<\/p>\n
If the congress participants claimed that Papuans were not
\nconsulted, they should have blamed the Netherlands which did not
\nallow them to partake. However, some of the Papuans actually
\nparticipated in some negotiations preceding the resolutions.<\/p>\n
Q: Is it possible for individual countries, like Australia, for
\nexample, to support the independence of Papua?<\/p>\n
I: They can do so, but as long as there are no countries
\ndemanding the UN to revise resolutions No. 1752 of 1962 and No.
\n2504 of 1969, the UN will never review Papua's decolonization.<\/p>\n
Q: If they have no prospects of international recognition, why
\nare they continually demanding separation from Indonesia?<\/p>\n
I: Several reasons have encouraged them to do so. Previous
\ngovernments, particularly the New Order regime, assigned too many
\nIndonesians from other provinces to take over bureaucratic
\npositions from Papuans on the grounds that certain positions must
\nbe held by officials with appropriate educational backgrounds.<\/p>\n
This has inhibited the chances of Papuans, most of whom are
\nlowly educated, from getting high-ranking positions in their own
\nprovince.<\/p>\n
The government-supported transmigration of people from other
\nislands to Papua has also edged out the competitiveness of
\nPapuans' businesses on their own land.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, the military's strong repression against those
\nsuspected of rebellion has also offended the Papuans.<\/p>\n
However, there might be a mastermind behind the congress, who
\nwants the military to return to power ... Investigation,
\ntherefore, is necessary to find out who was actually behind the
\ncongress.<\/p>\n
Q: Now that the Papuan People's Congress has called for
\ninternational support for its declaration, can the government
\ntake legal or military action against those actively involved in
\nthe congress?<\/p>\n
I: The government will have no legal basis to take action against
\nthem because the law on subversion has been lifted, while the
\nConstitution of 1945 does not have any clause forbidding any part
\nof the country from declaring independence.<\/p>\n
Military action cannot be introduced either, as long as the
\nactivists do not undertake any military provocation. Moreover,
\nany repressive action would be counterproductive.<\/p>\n
Q: Then what measures should be taken by the government?<\/p>\n
I: The government must provide facilities, so that Papuans can
\nimprove their participation in local bureaucracy and the
\nmilitary, as well as economic, technological and educational
\ndevelopment. Papuans must also be given opportunities to take
\npart in national development outside Papua.<\/p>\n
Such measures are important because more and more Papuans are
\ngetting rational. They realize that what they need is not
\nterritorial freedom but freedom in the sense of humanity.<\/p>\n
To find measures acceptable to all parties concerned, the
\ngovernment must sponsor dialogues with Papuans. (Rikza Abdullah)<\/p>",
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