'Opposition': What's in a name?<\/p>\n
The question of the desirability and constitutional legality
\nof political opposition in Indonesia has surfaced once again. In
\nthe following article political observer J. Soedjati Djiwandono
\ntakes a look at the issue.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The recent debate on whether there should be an
\nopposition in the Indonesian political system still misses the
\nreal issue, although both the pro and con sides have a valid
\ncase. The real issue is not about opposition as such, which may
\nbe understood in different ways.<\/p>\n
In terms of the parliamentary system, we do not have an
\nopposition. But opposition can still be found in a presidential
\nsystem such as in the United States, where the president and
\nmembers of Congress are elected separately, though directly, by
\nthe people. There, as opposed to an established institution as in
\nthe parliamentary system following the British model, the
\nopposition has different rights and responsibilities.<\/p>\n
The real point at issue in the present Indonesian political
\nsystem is the lack of control over the executive branch of the
\ngovernment. However defined, that is the essence of an
\nopposition. To say that opposition is contrary to the so-called
\nfamily principle does not make much sense, for it is no more than
\na myth. At best it is a vague idea.<\/p>\n
Ardent supporters of the present political status quo would
\nreadily argue that the 1945 Constitution does provide that the
\npowers of the President are \"not unlimited\", and that he shall
\n\"seriously listen to the views of the House of Representatives\".
\nBut what mechanism is there in our system to ensure the
\nimplementation of those principles, and under what sanction?
\nAbsolutely none.<\/p>\n
That is where a revitalization, if not a reform, is in order,
\nin the sense of developing an effective mechanism to ensure the
\nimplementation of constitutional provisions. More, of course, is
\nneeded. To say that there is no deed for reform, because the
\npresent system is effective, is to misunderstand the essence of
\ndemocracy. To be sure, the present system is very effective, that
\nis, in terms of the exercise of power -- by the executive --
\npractically without constraints. That is certainly not the kind
\nof democracy the 1945 Constitution provides. And who is to have
\nthe final say whether we need a reform?<\/p>\n
Yes, while an ideal democracy has universal value, as a
\nsystem, it may vary. Yet any variant of democracy should not
\nbetray its essence. In a democracy, power comes from the people,
\nand it is, therefore, to serve the interests of the people, and,
\nas such, it is to be subject to control by the people, to ensure
\nits proper use and to avoid, or at least minimize its abuse.
\nThese form the essential ingredients of a democracy.<\/p>\n
It is unfair to dismiss earnest suggestions for reform as
\n\"alien\" to the nation's identity. Are we serious in our rejection
\nof all things \"alien\"? Moreover, how is \"national identity\" to be
\ndefined, and who is to define it anyway?<\/p>\n
It would be good if the executive branch initiated reform, for
\nlegislative powers are vested in its hands. This, however, seems
\nunlikely.<\/p>\n
One would hope for initiatives by the People's Consultative
\nAssembly, the supreme governing body in the Indonesian system as
\nholder of the people's sovereignty. But here, one would get into
\na vicious circle. It would be a long and complex story that
\ncannot possibly be explained in one stroke.<\/p>\n
At all events, leaving everything to the leader, whose every
\npronouncement is to be legally binding for the whole nation, is
\ntantamount to applying the principle of \"the King can do no
\nwrong\". If one still calls that \"democracy\", we have a serious
\nproblem on our hands. How, for instance, would one distinguish
\nthe Pancasila Democracy of the New Order from the \"Guided
\nDemocracy\" of the Old Order?<\/p>",
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