One year later: Better or worse?<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): A few minutes after 9 a.m. on May 21, 1998,
\npresident Soeharto took the nation, and the world for that
\nmatter, by surprise by announcing his resignation, after 32 years
\nat the helm. His decision spared the nation from a potentially
\nugly and violent confrontation between Soeharto and the student-
\nled \"people's power\" reform movement.<\/p>\n
One year later, the nation is still engulfed in a crisis,
\npartly the legacy of Soeharto's authoritarian rule, but partly,
\nsome might argue, the result of policies pursued by his
\nsuccessor, President B.J. Habibie.<\/p>\n
For better or worse, May 21 is regarded as the start of the
\nreform era in Indonesia. Some people might argue that Habibie has
\nput Indonesia on the reform path. But many of those who took part
\nin the anti-Soeharto protests say the struggle for reform is not
\nover, by far, and that Habibie is not the right person to lead
\nthe reform movement.<\/p>\n
Everyone agreed however that the event on that fateful day in
\nMay last year was a major turning point in Indonesia's history.
\nTo mark the first anniversary of the event, The Jakarta Post
\nasked dozens of people from different walks of life to reflect on
\nthe past year. We asked them whether they think their lives have
\nbecome better or worse, what they think of Soeharto, of their
\nhopes and expectations and their comments on the recent
\ncontroversial Time magazine report about Soeharto's wealth.<\/p>\n
H.S Dillon, agriculture analyst and member of the National
\nCommission on Human Rights:<\/p>\n
Things have become worst since Soeharto's resignation. There
\nhas been a deformation, instead of a reformation. We haven't
\nstarted the reforms yet, and everything has been breaking down,
\nexcept for the freedom of the press and the new general election.<\/p>\n
All the other things are much worse, because there is even
\nless predictability. In Soeharto's era, everybody sort of knew
\nwhom to pay, how much to pay -- that was the way corruption
\nworked. But now, because all the officials are trying to get as
\nmuch money as possible in the short time left for them, this is
\neven more unpredictable.<\/p>\n
So on top of the breakdown in law and order, there is almost
\nno new investment. What is being regarded or presented as new
\ninvestment is just the wealthy coming in to buy underpriced
\nstocks at the stock exchange.<\/p>\n
Habibie is out of touch with the nation. He does not
\nunderstand who the Indonesian people are and what they want. He
\nseems to be driven by an agenda set by the people around him, who
\nappear to be using him to make their own gains.<\/p>\n
Habibie has succeeded in the area of trying to deliver a
\nfairer general election, at least the constitutional foundation
\nhad been set. But he has not succeeded at all in protecting human
\nrights; under his rule it appears that executions by the army
\ncontinue unabated. And it is under his rule, more than any other
\nfactor, that the country appears to be disintegrating.<\/p>\n
We need a leader who can live as a solidarity-maker, who can
\nheal all wounds. Habibie has added to the wounds. He is worse
\nthan Soeharto, because under Soeharto our nation was together. He
\nis not able to address the core issues.<\/p>\n
From all his appearances, especially from the controversial
\ntelephone discussion in which we heard him say he did not want to
\nturn against his own mentor, Habibie is not serious enough in
\nmoving against Soeharto.<\/p>\n
Regarding the Time report, I do believe that there are a lot
\nof truths in it. The country should immediately investigate all
\nof the people involved here, as stated in the report.<\/p>\n
All of Soeharto's children and their cukongs (cronies) should
\nbe brought to trial. That includes the people who became calo
\n(middlemen) for his children. These are the people who told the
\nchildren to make money for this project, for that project. These
\nare the people who went to the various ministries and told
\nofficials the projects were demanded by (Soeharto's) children.
\nThe government should begin with them, because if they begin with
\nthe children there are political considerations. They should
\nbegin with those people who were instrumental in delivering
\nprojects to the children, and then used (the children's) names to
\nobtain projects from various ministries by threatening the
\nofficials.<\/p>\n
I do not think that an old guy like Soeharto is able to play a
\nmajor role any longer. He belonged to the past. And this election
\nwill serve to demonstrate that -- when Golkar gets trashed. And I
\nam sure the Army will no longer try to support him when there are
\nnew army leaders.<\/p>\n
Dian Nitami, a TV artist, presenter:<\/p>\n
I don't really care about the government. I don't know
\nanything. What's important for me is that I still have my job.<\/p>\n
As for the entertainment world, I think now there is more
\nfreedom to express ideas. Ideas which could not be told in the
\npast, can now be exposed. This is good for scriptwriters and
\nproducers.<\/p>\n
For an actress, things are more or less the same. The
\nproducers are driven not so much by idealism as commerce.<\/p>\n
I also have idealism. I just want to walk on a straight line.
\nWhat is clear is the situation is like this: the rupiah is weak,
\nprices of all goods are skyrocketing and the crime rate is
\nincreasing. I am afraid of driving a car by myself.<\/p>\n
I heard about Time's report on Soeharto's wealth. Maybe he is
\nreally rich. Is it wrong to have a lot of money? I don't know
\nwhether it is a result of corruption. I don't want to play the
\njudge.<\/p>\n
But look what is happening now -- the social safety net funds
\nare not reaching the intended targets. I mean, if we want to
\nfight corruption, we have to combat the whole of it. But I don't
\nknow. I don't understand politics and I don't want to think about
\nit. Let the members of the DPR (House of Representatives) and MPR
\n(People's Consultative Assembly) take care of it. I just want to
\nwork. I don't like reading newspapers. I read tabloids, not the
\npolitical ones, but entertainment ones like Citra and Bintang.<\/p>\n
Sisy, a mother of three and an elementary school teacher in
\nCimanggis, Bogor:<\/p>\n
In terms of basic foodstuffs prices and public safety,
\nSoeharto was better. But we were afraid of speaking freely. (I
\nwas even afraid) to question my own rights as a civil servant,
\nsuch as asking why the monthly rice distribution for government
\nemployees was always of the lowest quality and why teachers'
\nsalaries were cut for various obligatory donations.<\/p>\n
Habibie is worse in social welfare matters. But I think the
\nworst record of Habibie's administration is its failure to bring
\nSoeharto to trial.<\/p>\n
If the government could force Soeharto to give back the Rp 120
\ntrillion of wealth he is said to have by Time magazine, we should
\nforgive him, for humanitarian reasons. He is too old to go to
\njail.<\/p>\n
A. Safiun, chairman of the Association of Indonesian
\nAutomotive Parts and Components Industries:<\/p>\n
There are signs the economic crisis is bottoming out. But this
\nshould not be attributed to Habibie's works.<\/p>\n
Habibie has not been able to keep his promises to reform the
\ncountry's economic and political life. This is no surprise,
\nbecause Habibie is the hand-picked successor of Soeharto.<\/p>\n
Habibie's administration is not serious in fighting
\ncorruption. The performance of the Attorney General is very poor.
\nNone of the corruptors have been punished.<\/p>\n
I think Soeharto and his cronies are still playing a
\nsignificant political role behind the scenes. The status quo
\nforces are still in control.<\/p>\n
I think the Time report is not quite correct. Soeharto and his
\nfamily must have amassed much more than US$15 billion. Just look
\nat Bambang Trihatmodjo, who was reported by the local press to
\nhave owed some Rp 50 trillion to the state banks.<\/p>\n
I don't think the current government can do anything about
\nSoeharto's corruption in the past. It must be done by a newly
\nelected government.<\/p>\n
Dewi Widiyanti, PR Manager of Jakarta Hilton International
\nHotel:<\/p>\n
Personally, I'm happy to see democracy growing in this
\ncountry, though it seems to be uncertain about where we are going
\nto.<\/p>\n
I can't say that Habibie is good or bad. Basically, somehow,
\nthere's nothing bad about him. I mean who can actually do it
\n(govern the nation) well at this time? I really don't know
\nwhether he's really moving out of Soeharto's shadow or still
\nSoeharto's puppet. But he has made some changes.<\/p>\n
I am not saying that I support Habibie. But, at least, you
\nhave to have empathy for him.<\/p>\n
About the pace of reform, I think it's quite tolerable that it
\nshould take some time, because it's the first time we can really
\nenjoy democracy here. Everything is new for us.<\/p>\n
I don't know much about Soeharto's wealth as reported in Time
\nmagazine. But something has to be done in regard to the
\ninvestigation of Soeharto's alleged wealth. We have other more
\nimportant problems to think about, like poverty alleviation. I'm
\nnot saying that it (Soeharto's case) can be forgotten. We can't,
\nbecause it's part of our history. But the most important thing is
\nthat we have to move on.<\/p>\n
What to do with the money? If the money exists, it should be
\nreturned to the place or people it belonged to.<\/p>\n
Is Habibie serious in handling the case? I don't know.<\/p>\n
J. Budianto Ceng, 28, an accountant at Adira Mobil car
\nshowroom in Pasar Minggu, South Jakarta:<\/p>\n
Things are better now. Public service, for example, has
\nimproved.<\/p>\n
In my company, employers are showing greater concern for the
\nemployees' wellbeing. Maybe they are a little scared because
\nemployees are more daring. It's the reform (era), you know.<\/p>\n
The business atmosphere has also improved. Those businesses
\nwhich never practiced KKN (the local acronym for corruption,
\ncollusion and nepotism) have no problem. Those which practiced
\nKKN are in trouble.<\/p>\n
Habibie has performed well, although he seems to have no
\nfocus. He shows no serious efforts in eradicating KKN. He has not
\nprosecuted Soeharto. But then, he's still Soeharto's crony.<\/p>\n
I am not content with Habibie's performance, although I can
\nalready see a ray of hope ahead.<\/p>\n
I am quite sure Soeharto still plays politics behind the
\nscenes. That's natural. At least he is doing it to protect his
\nfamily and wealth.<\/p>\n
I believe in Time (magazine's) revelation. I am sure Soeharto
\nis corrupt, but it's hard to prove, as it is difficult to prove
\nhow much wealth he has.<\/p>\n
If we could retrieve Soeharto's wealth, the government should
\nuse it to help the poor. It's the people's money.<\/p>\n
I place my hope in the next government to investigate
\nSoeharto, prosecute and punish him. We don't have to throw him in
\njail. We have to seize his wealth and redistribute it to the
\nneedy.<\/p>\n
Vici Henry Linardo, 28, a government employee:<\/p>\n
Things have not really changed in my office over the past
\nyear. But people are braver in expressing thoughts. That's the
\ngood part. On the downside, there is a tendency for people to
\nbecome more violent. I guess this is the consequence of an abrupt
\nchange in power. It's the price that we must pay. All things
\nconsidered, the bottom line is things are better.<\/p>\n
Of course Habibie is too slow in responding to people's
\ndemands. He is still Soeharto's crony. Everything he does, is not
\nnecessarily for the sake of the nation, but his own. Habibie's
\nstill under Soeharto's shadow.<\/p>\n
Whether Soeharto still reigns, I want to see it this way.<\/p>\n
The pace of reform is not too bad. We just need to get through
\nit all, and this includes the general election.<\/p>\n
On Time's report, I believe Soeharto is corrupt. But, since
\nthe allegations come from abroad, I am just a bit skeptical that
\nthere might be a hidden agenda.<\/p>\n
But if we could prove all that wealth exists, then we should
\nconfiscate it, and decide later what to do with it.<\/p>\n
I don't think Habibie is serious in investigating Soeharto.<\/p>\n
The next government must bring Soeharto to court and give him
\na trial, like they did in South Korea, a real trial ... nail all
\nthe big fish. A trial would also send a clear signal that we
\nrespect the supremacy of the law.<\/p>\n
Hendri Hamzah, 29, an ethnic Chinese and research manager at
\nthe International Communication Associates:<\/p>\n
From the Chinese-Indonesian perspective, things have changed,
\nsuch as the way the \"indigenous\" treat \"nonindigenous\" and vice
\nversa. Chinese-Indonesians now feel they are more Indonesian than
\nChinese, something that I never felt before.<\/p>\n
Many Chinese have become socially and politically aware of
\ntheir existence and have joined political parties,<\/p>\n
The indigenous people are also treating Chinese-Indonesians as
\nreal a part of the nation. Last year, we could not talk about
\nthis issue because there was no opportunity to speak out.<\/p>\n
Many have credited the Habibie government for allowing press
\nfreedom and the establishment of many political parties. But I
\nwould not credit this government with anything. This freedom was
\nachieved through a struggle by students, people, the civil
\nsociety movement.<\/p>\n
Habibie has done nothing. He can't even investigate Soeharto.
\nHe just doesn't have the guts.<\/p>\n
With the money he is reported to have amassed, I can't see
\nSoeharto out of the political picture. He still has so much
\nclout. If the reform movement cannot severe his influence, he
\nmight stage a comeback through his children.<\/p>\n
I believe Soeharto was corrupt, but it's too difficult to
\nprove it in court. We could condemn him politically, force him to
\nadmit his guilt, and then and we could forgive him.<\/p>\n
I place no hope in the present government. We've given it the
\nopportunity and it has failed us.<\/p>\n
The next government should try Soeharto as a warning to future
\nrulers not to repeat his mistakes.<\/p>\n
Agung Supriyo, 23, a political student at the University of
\nIndonesia, Jakarta:<\/p>\n
On democracy, Habibie's achievements include press freedom and
\nnew political parties. On the economy, his record is awful.<\/p>\n
I am not satisfied with the pace of reform. Megawati
\nSoekarnoputri, Abdurrahman Wahid and Amien Rais should have
\ngotten together a long time ago to face off the status quo forces
\nof Golkar and Habibie.<\/p>\n
I believe Soeharto is still influential.<\/p>\n
We should condemn him politically for all the things he did to
\npeople during his reign. The legal channel is too complex.<\/p>\n
I believe Time's report, but I don't think the present
\ngovernment has the courage to investigate Soeharto.<\/p>\n
Personally, I think Soeharto should be hanged. Political
\nparties contesting the elections should make it their platform to
\nprosecute Soeharto if they get elected. We should we try him,
\nconvict him, seize his wealth, and afterward forgive him to start
\nthe process of national reconciliation.<\/p>\n
Christina Rini Yuliarti, a lawyer at the Jakarta Legal Aid
\nInstitute:<\/p>\n
The biggest change since the resignation of Soeharto is that
\npeople have become more outspoken. They are more mature.<\/p>\n
But the government is not all that different. President B.J.
\nHabibie has simply followed the pattern of Soeharto's New Order
\npolicies. The reform movement is not finished.<\/p>\n
Soeharto's wealth should be confiscated and returned to the
\nstate. It should be used to promote people's welfare.<\/p>\n
Salam, a meatball soup trader in Pancoran, East Jakarta:<\/p>\n
I haven't see any significant change over the past year. Riots
\nare still occurring in many areas of the country.<\/p>\n
Habibie has changed nothing. He simply continued with old
\npolicies.<\/p>\n
I hope the elections will bring about changes for the better.
\nMy only wish is for the situation to be safe for me to work. I
\ndon't care who becomes the next president.<\/p>\n
Soeharto's wealth, if ever traced, could be donated to the
\npoor in the rural areas. It could also be used to finance
\nstudents to continue their studies.<\/p>\n
Cipuk, a fourth-semester medical student at the University of
\nIndonesia:<\/p>\n
I give 40 (out of 100) to Habibie's administration.<\/p>\n
On crucial issues, including the military's role in politics
\nand the supremacy of law, we have not accomplished much.<\/p>\n
We will mark the first anniversary by introducing a \"Soeharto
\nAward\" and holding a massive rally with around 50,000 students
\nfrom Java tomorrow (Friday) at our Salemba campus.<\/p>\n
Petrus Bala Pattyona, lawyer:<\/p>\n
My personal life has not really been affected. The biggest
\nchange is that now I rarely see his (Soeharto's) face on TV.
\nBefore, we used to see him every night.<\/p>\n
I give Habibie six (out of 10) for his performance.<\/p>\n
Many crimes have gone unresolved and unpunished during his
\nterm. He is even using the law to catch his political
\nadversaries, including businessman Arifin Panigoro. Pak Harto
\nwould have been more subtle in dealing with adversaries.<\/p>\n
In managing the economy, Habibie can't match Soeharto. If
\nsuccess is measured by the price of rice, then the poor people
\nhave suffered tremendously under Habibie. Soeharto would never
\nlet his people starve just because they couldn't buy rice.<\/p>\n
On human rights, however, Habibie is superior. But this may be
\nbecause people are now talking freely about their oppression.<\/p>\n
I believe the Time report because it is a reputable and
\ncredible magazine. But some of the facts should be checked. This
\nis a slap in the face for the government because it can't event
\ncome up with evidence that Time reporters obtained. The
\ngovernment should use the Time report as material to proceed with
\nits own investigation.<\/p>\n
Hotman Paris Hutapea, a litigation lawyer:<\/p>\n
In business, there has been one meaningful change over the
\npast year: the establishment of a commercial court.<\/p>\n
But even this change did not really come from Habibie's
\npolitical will. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) should take
\ncredit for this.<\/p>\n
The Time magazine report poses a challenge to the Attorney
\nGeneral's Office. But the timing of the release was bad. Nothing
\nwill come of this report because the government is too busy with
\npreparing the elections. Besides, since Soeharto still has strong
\nclout, I doubt Habibie will want to take that kind of risk.<\/p>\n
I don't really want to waste my energy criticizing this
\ngovernment. I'll save my comments for the next elected
\ngovernment.<\/p>\n
Zumrotin K. Susilo, a legislative candidate of the National
\nMandate Party (PAN):<\/p>\n
Soeharto's legacy remains with us, and Indonesia continues to
\nhave one of the world's poorest records in corruption and human
\nrights violations.<\/p>\n
President Habibie has repeatedly promised to eradicate
\ncorruption, collusion and nepotism, but it seems that every time
\nsomeone comes up with evidence against Soeharto and his cronies,
\nHabibie gets his people to go after the messenger.<\/p>\n
This happened to Amien Rais (PAN chairman) when he presented
\nevidence of corrupt practices in the banking sector. The same
\nthing is now happening to Time magazine reporters.<\/p>\n
Attorney General Andi Ghalib should thank these people for
\nproviding him with a new lead for his own investigation.<\/p>\n
Rizaldi, 35, unemployed from Medan:<\/p>\n
It used to be easier for people to find jobs. But now few
\npeople are investing because of the business climate, and that
\nmeans there are fewer job vacancies around.<\/p>\n
We have also seen so many riots over the past year and Habibie
\nseems helpless in preventing or solving them. Soeharto was much
\nbetter in solving such cases. I hope the elections will produce a
\ncredible government which can end this political instability.<\/p>\n
Tarmidzi, 24, a student at State Islamic Institute (IAIN)
\nArraniry in Aceh and a human rights activist:<\/p>\n
We are freer now in expressing our thoughts. You could not
\nhave spoken publicly against the government during the Soeharto
\nera. You would have been abducted.<\/p>\n
Habibie has failed to resolve the Aceh problem. Human rights
\nviolations by the military are continuing there and there is
\nnothing he can do.<\/p>\n
The matter of Soeharto's wealth is not as important as the
\nmatter of the atrocities in Aceh. He is responsible for the
\nkillings that took place in Aceh and other regions.<\/p>\n
Tatang Acip, 64, a staffer at Jakarta's Cipto Mangunkusumo
\nGeneral Hospital's morgue:<\/p>\n
\"I don't care who is the president. It won't effect my life.
\nHabibie and Soeharto are all the same. The most important for me
\nis that I can work in peace.<\/p>\n
Eep Saefulloh Fatah, political scientist at the University of
\nIndonesia:<\/p>\n
Life would be harder with or without Soeharto.<\/p>\n
Soeharto is not an important variable. Indonesia has piles of
\nproblem in all aspects, ranging from economic, social, cultural
\nto political matters.<\/p>\n
Habibie is trying hard, unsuccessfully, to distant himself
\nfrom Soeharto. Soehartoists, for example, teach that politics can
\nonly be handled by a small group of elites. People simply have to
\nput their faith in this group. This is wrong. Politics is for the
\nmasses. I think Habibie is still trapped in that mold.<\/p>\n
I believe we would be in a bigger mess if Soeharto was still
\nin charge today. He wouldn't allow us this much freedom.<\/p>\n
Soeharto can catch his breath, at least for now, because I
\ndon't think Habibie will bring him to trial. He has strong
\nemotional ties to Soeharto.<\/p>\n
If the non-status quo forces win the elections, we may have a
\nbetter chance at resolving the Soeharto matter. At least a
\npolitical solution must be reached.<\/p>\n
Sastro L. Ngatawi, musician, a Nahdlatul Ulama activist:<\/p>\n
Life is so much better without Soeharto. We would not have
\nthis much freedom if he was still running the country. Habibie
\nbrought in lots of changes, including freedom of the press and
\npolitical freedom.<\/p>\n
But people are not ready for too much freedom. We have many
\nnew political parties and political figures are also joining in
\nthe fray. Everybody wants to be in the front. Nobody wants to
\nplay second fiddle, or sit in the back row. Megawati, Amien Rais
\nand even Gus Dur are part of this game.<\/p>\n
I don't care who will be the next president, as long as he or
\nshe can ensure a better and more democratic political system.<\/p>\n
For me, as long as I can play music and write a book and am
\nfree to speak my mind, things will be fine.<\/p>\n
Habibie is standing at a crossroad now. On the one hand, there
\nis growing public pressure for him to carry out reform, on the
\nother, he can not offend Soeharto. His heart goes to Soeharto,
\nbut he is pushed to the corner by the public.<\/p>\n
Veldy Verdiansyah, a student leader:<\/p>\n
To be honest, I kind of miss Soeharto. He used to be
\neverywhere. His voice, his face, his pictures. Now the only thing
\nleft is the Rp 50,000 bill with his smiling face.<\/p>\n
Few things have changed over the past year, but life has
\nlargely remained the same. Food prices are still high and people
\nare still suffering from the economic crisis. Most students don't
\nthink that Habibie can solve the piles of problems this country
\nhas.<\/p>\n
Soeharto was a superman because he was so powerful. Now we
\ndon't have such a figure. But that does not mean that if Soeharto
\nwas still in charge, things would be better.<\/p>\n
First and foremost for Indonesia is to have honest and just
\nelections. And then we can talk about what action to pursue. At
\nthe moment, it is useless to wish that Habibie will bring
\nSoeharto to trial. It can only be done by the new government.<\/p>\n
Edy, a student of the School of Communications of Dr. Soetomo
\nUniversity, Surabaya:<\/p>\n
I think the reform is only on the surface. We have only had a
\nchange in national leadership. We haven't really changed the
\nsystem of government, something that we fought for during the
\nprotests last year. We have freedom of speech now, but only as
\nfar as it goes. We have not seen any real political changes.<\/p>\n
I am optimistic about the elections. I hope after the
\nelections there will be a coalition of proreform leaders.<\/p>\n
Choirul Anan, an office worker in Surabaya:<\/p>\n
I'm hopeful that the economy will get better. This is not the
\nbest moment for our country, but then we are in a transitional
\nperiod. We should look on the positive side. We have freedom of
\nspeech and more political freedom than before.<\/p>\n
Hotman Siahaan, staff lecturer at Airlangga University,
\nSurabaya:<\/p>\n
We have freedom of expression now, but that alone is not
\nenough. We still don't have the spirit of democracy. People still
\ncannot accept political pluralism.<\/p>\n
I am not optimistic about the economy. We are still dependent
\non foreign aid, while foreigners are waiting for us to show our
\nseriousness in building a democratic country.<\/p>\n
Tadjudin Noor Said, a former legislator:<\/p>\n
What has Habibie? Many people accredited him for press freedom
\nand democracy. But do these things reflect his political stance?
\nDoes he believe in press freedom? I don't think so. I think
\nHabibie had no alternative but to give press freedom and
\ndemocracy because of internal and external pressures. How could a
\nman like him love press freedom if he had a role in the
\ngovernment move to close down Tempo magazine (in 1994)?<\/p>\n
And what has Habibie done about the allegations of corruption
\nagainst Soeharto, his family and cronies? Give me the names of
\nofficials brought to trial by Habibie?<\/p>\n
Habibie has four months to do the jobs mandated of him by the
\nPeople's Consultative Assembly.
\n(emf\/aan\/jun\/bsr\/udi\/ylt\/asa\/edt\/26\/sim\/gis\/kod\/rei\/cst\/jsk\/rms)<\/p>",
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