One Asia or withering Asia?<\/p>\n
Kavi Chongkittavorn, The Nation, Asia News Network\/Bangkok<\/p>\n
A bad omen threatens to decrease the significance of the
\nupcoming East Asia Summit (EAS) as China and Japan are still
\ntussling over its modality. As the region's two most powerful
\ncountries do not have complementary yin and yang positions, there
\nis less of a chance that the summit will be all that successful.<\/p>\n
The summit should be an occasion for everyone involved to
\ndisplay their visions and solidarity. Instead it has become an
\nopportunity for airing dirty linen.<\/p>\n
If the EAS gets off the ground with Beijing and Tokyo blowing
\nhot and cool, future discussions and cooperation would certainly
\nbecome more problematic. The two countries must serve as pillars
\nof stability and understanding, not insecurity and mutual hatred.
\nTheir mutual problems must be contained and neutralized before
\nthey become widespread.<\/p>\n
Beyond all the diplomatic fanfare, leaders of the countries in
\nthe \"ASEAN 10+3+1+2\" formula (the 10 ASEAN countries plus Japan,
\nChina and South Korea plus India plus Australia and New Zealand)
\nare making history as they converge for the first time on
\nWednesday (Dec. 14) in Kuala Lumpur. For a total of 150 minutes,
\nthe leaders of the 16 countries will be left among themselves in
\nthe retreat to set the course for a new Asia.<\/p>\n
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi was succinct when he
\nsaid that the leaders themselves would set the agenda, not lower-
\nranking officials. This reflects the confidence of the host
\ncountry that the meeting can be successful. Despite the obstacles
\nthe meeting presents, Kuala Lumpur is ambitious and has the tools
\nand wisdom that can make this happen.<\/p>\n
Former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad was credited with
\nraising the idea of East Asian-ness over a decade ago, even
\nthough it was narrowly defined. It is only natural, then, that
\nBadawi is now trying to bring this new gung-ho spirit to the next
\nlevel, which can hopefully lead to more broad cooperation and
\nmore openness amongst Asia countries.<\/p>\n
As Malaysia is chair of the Organization of the Islamic
\nConference (OIC), the Non-aligned Movement (NAM) and ASEAN,
\nBadawi has become the most powerful Asian leader when it comes to
\nhelping set a course for the future of the Muslim world and the
\ndeveloping world. He also is helping set the agenda for what has
\nbeen called the Asian century. He has displayed diplomatic
\nfinesse in revitalizing the OIC and the NAM.<\/p>\n
But within Asia, succeeding with this progressive approach is
\nmore challenging because of the latent prejudices and
\ndiscrimination that prevents nations from forging closer
\nrelations. After all, history has showed that the Asian nations
\nhave spent more time than others in belittling each other and
\nexcluding one another. For instance, last week, Mahathir was a
\nbit vicious in opposing Australia joining the EAS.<\/p>\n
After thousands of years of interaction, neighboring peoples
\nin Asia have yet to develop comfortable relations marked by
\ntrust, let alone common views. Regional history has been marked
\nby cycles of hatred and divisiveness. Lasting unity has been
\ndifficult to achieve. Badawi will leave a legacy that no other
\nASEAN leader will match if he can pull this off. If the upcoming
\nEAS can be remembered more for highlighting commonalties, and not
\ndivisions, it can be a catalyst for more cooperation in other
\nimportant international meetings and development schemes in store
\nin coming months.<\/p>\n
What kind of Asia will emerge from this summit? Will this new
\nAsia be One Asia or the same old fragmented Asia i.e. East Asia?
\nWill it be an Asia that includes India and Australia? Can every
\nAsian country expect to be allowed to compete on a level playing
\nfield in building this new Asia?<\/p>\n
Judging from the summit's preparatory meetings and \"non-
\nexclusive\" pronouncements over the past few months, it would not
\nbe wrong to say that the emerging Asia will initially be rather
\n\"exclusive\" under the rubic of East Asia and very much \"China-
\noriented\". For the time being both ASEAN and China wanted that in
\nthe first place.<\/p>\n
As a group, ASEAN believes that it can trust China more than
\nit can with Japan and Korea, or other newcomers, when it comes to
\nlooking out for Asian interests.<\/p>\n
In the post-Cold-War era, ASEAN's and China's interests
\ncoincide due to a confluence of economic and political
\nimperatives. The 48 \"mechanisms of cooperation\" between ASEAN and
\nChina, which have taken only a decade to build, are testimony to
\njoint commitments and close cooperation in all fields. Although
\nJapan and the US have enjoyed good relations for longer than
\nASEAN and China have, they have fewer such mechanisms to show for
\nit.<\/p>\n
But how long can such close ties last? Of course, nobody
\nknows. After all, it was only a decade ago that both sides were
\nat each other's throats over disputed claims in the South China
\nSea.<\/p>\n
So it helps to explain why ASEAN and China want to ensure that
\nthe \"ASEAN plus three\" process, or APT, continues to serve as a
\nfoundation for community building in the region -- not the new
\nEAS, which is just another forum for dialogues and confidence
\nbuildings.<\/p>\n
For now, Machiavellian brinkmanship has taken over many facets
\nof international relations in Asia. Any meetings involving ASEAN,
\nChina and Japan in the foreseeable future will not be marked by
\nreconciliation. ASEAN and China still have lots of opportunities
\nto maximize their unique strategic commonalties.<\/p>\n
But it would be a shame if the EAS cannot imbed at least some
\nbasic new sense of \"one Asia\" that encompasses India, as well as
\nAustralia and New Zealand. There is nothing threatening about
\nthis, despite some high anxiety expressed by ASEAN members, which
\nfear that their grouping could disappear with the coming of
\nbigger and richer partners.<\/p>\n
The gathering of leaders at the EAS can be likened to a
\nbackyard garden with flowers of different shapes and colors. They
\nrepresent the great diversity in East Asia's political spectrum,
\nincluding constitutional monarchies, the world's largest
\ndemocracy, the largest communist country, democracies based on
\npeople power and on strong governments. The countries taking part
\nhave varying mixtures of Asian to Western values -- truly
\nglobalised Asia.<\/p>\n
Whatever the EAS leaders agree to will have far-reaching
\nramifications for Asia. The future of Asia resides within their
\nminds -- the possible outcomes could be as small as a bowl of
\nwonton soup or as big as a bowl of Caesar salad. The choice is
\ntheirs.<\/p>",
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