On foreign diplomacy<\/p>\n
The hosting of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian
\nNations (ASEAN) annual summit in Bali last October, where the
\nleaders agreed on the creation of the ASEAN Community in 2020,
\nwill very likely turn out to be the diplomatic highlight of
\nPresident Megawati Soekarnoputri's three-year presidency, which
\ncomes to an end in October this year. Her chief diplomat, Hassan
\nWirayuda, worked hard to convince his ASEAN colleagues that the
\nestablishment of a Security Community is just as important as
\nSingapore's initiative on the Economic Community. Both are among
\nthe pillars of the ASEAN Community.<\/p>\n
Some diplomats joked that the security community goal will be
\neasy to achieve -- provided, of course, that Indonesia does
\nsomething to clean up its own messy house. The joke, however,
\nreflects a more serious aspect: a peaceful and prosperous
\nIndonesia is crucial to the region's security and prosperity, and
\nvice versa.<\/p>\n
In terms of achievements, the determination of Megawati's
\ngovernment to bring to justice the perpetrators of the Bali
\nbombings, and the relatively quick identification of those who
\nwere responsible for the explosion at the JW Marriott Hotel last
\nyear, have won strong international recognition.<\/p>\n
Some scholars and legislators have stridently criticized the
\ngovernment's inability to play a significant role in
\ninternational fora like the United Nations, and in World Trade
\nOrganization (WTO) negotiations. Indeed, we sometimes felt
\ndisappointed that the government often overreacted to such
\nrebukes. Apparently the Ministry of Foreign Affairs still cannot
\nfully adjust itself to the current political reality where the
\ncenter of power is no longer in the hands of the President alone,
\nbut also in other political institutions.<\/p>\n
A small example is the revealing of the names of Indonesian
\nambassadorial candidates by legislators some time ago. Claiming a
\nprohibition on this under international rules, the Ministry
\nsimply blamed the press for reporting the names without asking
\nitself whether such a rigid practice needed to be adjusted in a
\ndemocratic society.<\/p>\n
Despite the shortcomings, many of us have been encouraged by
\nrecent developments whereby our younger diplomats have been given
\nthe opportunities to prove that their capabilities are no less
\nimpressive than their more senior colleagues. Look at Marty
\nNatalegawa, the foreign ministry's spokesman and acting ASEAN
\ndirector general, who is not only very accessible to the media
\nbut also clearly authoritative in giving statements.<\/p>\n
We must also keep in mind that our performance in
\ninternational diplomacy greatly depends on our domestic
\nsituation. As has been proved in the past, implementing the
\ncountry's ideal of a \"free and active\" foreign policy will only
\nbe possible when economic performance, and political and security
\nstability, are a lot better. All countries tend to be more
\ninward-looking when confronted by profound domestic problems<\/p>\n
At the same time we should also remember that in all
\ncircumstances the ultimate goal of our diplomacy must be to
\npromote our national interests, the priorities of which are, for
\nnow, boosting trade and foreign direct investment.<\/p>\n
At this time, as the nation faces a general election for the
\ncountry's legislatures in only four months, and its first direct
\npresidential election in only seven, it is natural that the
\nenergy and attention of the government and political parties are
\nprimarily focused on how to do optimize their success in the
\nelections. Jargon and rhetoric will dominate their public
\nstatements. Anti-American campaigns, for instance, would easily
\nget many voters exited, although some political parties are aware
\nthat it would not be so easy to live up to the rhetoric.<\/p>\n
The government will also continue its current foreign policy
\nat least until October when the country will gain a new
\ngovernment. Understandably, Megawati wants a major international
\nachievement before July. Perhaps she hopes that her current
\neffort to persuade North Korean leader Kim Jong-ill to end the
\nnuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula will produce a miracle.
\nShe will also likely continue visiting other countries to win
\nsupport for Indonesia's territorial integrity -- at the likely
\ncost of forgetting that the answer to the question of territorial
\nintegrity depends on how the government ensures that all citizens
\nfeel Indonesia is their true home.<\/p>\n
While the incumbent government has only 10 months to go, there
\nare high expectations that the foreign affairs sector will not be
\nignored.<\/p>\n
Whoever takes over the national helm in October, our foreign
\npolicy, as well as free-market economic principles, will likely
\nnot change much.<\/p>\n
And what can we hope now from the Ministry of Foreign
\nAffairs apart from the continuance of its routine international
\nactivities? Ensuring better protection for our migrant workers in
\nthe Middle East and other major recipient countries is one of the
\nmost urgent tasks that needs to be taken in hand. Another
\npriority is to get more concrete foreign investments and not just
\ncommitments.<\/p>\n
A free and active (proactive) foreign policy has characterized
\nIndonesia since its independence, although it was often misused
\nby the rulers. They ignored the basic spirit of a free and active
\npolicy: that the ultimate objective is to protect and promote the
\nwell-being of the country's citizens. To that end, continuous
\nefforts are therefore needed to ensure that this is put into
\npractice, regardless of the country's domestic situation.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/on-foreign-diplomacy-1447893297",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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