Old faces won't bring back the New Order govt<\/p>\n
Christian Chua, Jakarta<\/p>\n
There are many candidates for the post of Indonesian
\npresident. To have a choice is good, and indeed, for a
\nfunctioning democracy, it is essential. However, looking at the
\ncandidates, their backgrounds, political upbringing, programs and
\npromises -- as they are known up to now -- doubt continues to
\nexist about whether there really is a wide range of politicians
\nand politics from which to choose, or if actually the Indonesians
\nhave been left without a real alternative.<\/p>\n
Of course, the outcome of the presidential election is
\nimportant. The only question is: primarily for whom? It will
\nchange lives -- the lives of the candidate who manages to get
\ninto the highest office and her\/his (future) cronies. It matters
\nfor Jakarta's tiny elite, but for the remaining 220 million
\nIndonesians it hardly makes any difference.<\/p>\n
Admittedly, it depends on the person, personality and
\npolitical affiliation of the future president as to whether X law
\nis implemented, if Y money is spent for education, or if Z
\ninvestment is done. These, however, are only cosmetic
\nmodifications.<\/p>\n
This is not to say that such decisions are unimportant. They
\nare just not of utmost relevance in the run-up to the election,
\nwhen people need to know for which kind of policies a candidate
\nstands.<\/p>\n
In internal party primaries or in daily politics such issues
\nneed to be discussed. But for presidential elections there should
\nbe drafts and counterdrafts, programs and their alternatives, not
\njust seven versions of an otherwise similar platform, where
\ndifferences are beyond recognition.<\/p>\n
In many democracies people do not have a real choice: Kerry or
\nBush in the United States, the Christian or Social Democrats in
\nGermany. Who cares? If two-thirds of all eligible voters turn up
\nfor elections, it is already celebrated as a magic moment for
\ndemocracy.<\/p>\n
Only six years after the end of Soeharto's New Order, these
\nelections seem to be finally killing the reformasi movement. The
\ncountry's first ever direct presidential election is disguising
\nitself as the final destination of the democratization process.
\nWhat a pity, because it ought to be the beginning, not the end
\npoint of the slow process toward a more democratic, more open,
\nmore equal and more just society. But the once dynamic reform
\nmovement of 1998 seems to have vanished forever.<\/p>\n
The superficial ways the candidates are presented and present
\nthemselves fit well inside this picture. Content is, at best,
\nsecondary. Image is what counts. To be a good singer or to have
\nthe looks of a \"poster boy\" suddenly has become a vital quality
\nand more relevant than programs. But this is the presidential
\nelection, not Indonesian Idol. It is all about style. The
\nsubstance of the system remains undiscussed and, in the end,
\nuntouched.<\/p>\n
There are important interests behind this that want the old
\nsystem to live on. These interests are either so powerful that
\neven a president cannot rule against them -- or, more likely, are
\nshared, exploited and furthered by the highest office itself,
\nwhoever may hold it.<\/p>\n
Not even the rather unconventional Abdurrahman Wahid managed
\nto isolate himself as president from the structures, forces and
\ntraditions of the New Order, even though he used to be one of its
\nmajor critics. He encountered too much resistance and too many
\nhindrances for reformasi, and finally got embraced by the
\ntemptations and necessities of a still prevalent system with
\nwell-tried dirty practices.<\/p>\n
All of the candidates are long-established politicians.
\nWhoever will be in power in the future, a real disruption of
\npolitical continuity cannot be expected. In the worst case, the
\nmain pillars of the old system will officially return to power:
\nGolkar and the military. But the worst case is not much worse
\nthan other probable cases.<\/p>\n
Nobody yet has forged a platform that genuinely represents the
\nlong-excluded masses, that revives the demands of the reformasi
\nmovement and that will bring about substantial change. All we can
\nexpect is, at most, some new (or not so new) names and faces that
\nwill not challenge the fragile post-Soeharto political
\naccommodation.<\/p>\n
Indeed, by only meddling with the symptoms of a rotten system
\nthey guarantee a survival and recovery of old-style alliances
\nbetween political powers and big business, a collusive
\npartnership that ruled Indonesia from the mid-1960s on. Real
\nchange is not an option for the actual political elite, because
\ngenuine reformasi will threaten the very interests of the new
\npowerholders.<\/p>\n
The number of people wishing back the good old days and the
\nNew Order continues to grow. They need not worry too much.
\nWhoever wins the presidential election, the new order won't be as
\nnew as the ones who personate it want us to believe.<\/p>\n
The writer (g0203849@nus.edu.sg) is a sociologist at the
\nNational University of Singapore.<\/p>",
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