Nurturing India-SE Asia ties<\/p>\n
Salman Haidar, Former Foreign Secretary, The Statesman,
\nAsia News Network, Calcutta<\/p>\n
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee has just been on a visit
\nto Singapore and Cambodia. He follows hard on the heels of his
\nminister for external affairs, who was in several other countries
\nof the region just a few days ago. Once more, there is an
\neastward look to Indian policy. Another step has been taken in
\nthe decade-long, fitful quest to become seriously engaged in
\nSoutheast Asia.<\/p>\n
This is an important neighborhood for India and it needs
\ncontinuous attention. Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong of Singapore
\nis an old friend and a consistent advocate of stronger ties
\nbetween ASEAN and India.<\/p>\n
He took the initiative in obtaining dialog-partner status for
\nIndia against considerable opposition from some members of
\nAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), who called for
\nsimultaneous acceptance of Pakistan in the same capacity.<\/p>\n
Enhanced status as a dialog partner enabled us to be part of
\nthe Asian Regional Forum where security matters relating to Asia
\nare discussed between members of the ASEAN and a select few
\nregional and non-regional countries. That, more or less, is where
\nour venture into Southeast Asia has remained. Efforts by
\nsuccessive Indian administrations to find space in the economic
\ngrouping of the Pacific Rim countries APEC or the Asia-Europe
\nSummit ASEM have failed to bear fruit.<\/p>\n
The only important new move will be the forthcoming top-level
\nmeeting called ASEAN-plus-one, which provides for concentrated
\ndialog between the regional organization and one selected partner
\nat a time. This slow evolution of institutional links properly
\nreflects the very gradual progress in substantive relations.
\nSingapore long ago identified India as a partner for the future,
\nand India welcomed the prospect of sizable investment from that
\nquarter.<\/p>\n
Some promising projects were identified, like the possible
\nentry of Singapore Airlines, in collaboration with a local party,
\ninto the domestic civil aviation sector. That did not survive a
\nresourceful rearguard struggle by vested interests in India.
\nOthers have done better, including some infrastructure projects
\nand joint projects for scientific collaboration, especially in
\ninformation technology.<\/p>\n
Goh has been patient despite the many roadblocks. Even today,
\ndespite all the reforms since the first eastward venture a decade
\nago, India's economy is much less open than those of Southeast
\nAsia. This is the essential constraint in the rapid growth of
\nrelations. One can expect a much larger and freer flow of
\neconomic exchanges with the region as the reform process in India
\ngathers momentum. The visit to Cambodia had an altogether
\ndifferent character.<\/p>\n
Through the 1980s, when Kampuchea (as it was known as then)
\nwas ostracized by most of the world, India was one of the few
\nthat continued on friendly terms with Phnom Penh. We helped
\nrestore and preserve the great temple complex of Angkor Vat, for
\nwhich we received bitter criticism from European agencies that
\nfelt this was their reserved domain.<\/p>\n
The visit to Southeast Asia has given rise to some comments
\nabout a new strategic vision that drives us eastward. What is
\nseen as an emerging security partnership between us and the U.S.
\nis believed by some observers to have opened up a whole new area
\nof opportunity in the region. Such thoughts are vague and
\nnebulous and should be put away.<\/p>\n
No such role is asked of us in the region. ASEAN is practical
\nand down-to-earth in its ways, not given to the airy projections
\nthat sometimes overtake our policy makers. We need to adjust our
\nown ways to secure better openings for ourselves in the region.
\nIf Vajpayee's visit did something along those lines, it will have
\nachieved as much as should be asked of it.<\/p>",
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