'No candidate followed rules exactly'<\/p>\n
Among the foreign observers here for the runoff of Indonesia's
\nfirst direct presidential election on Monday, the largest
\ncontingent consists of the 220 members of the European Union
\nElection Observation Mission. The following are excerpts from an
\ninterview with its chief observer, Glyn Ford, who spoke to The
\nJakarta Post's M. Taufiqurrahman.<\/p>\n
Question: How significant is Indonesia's election to the world at
\nlarge and especially to the European Union itself?<\/p>\n
We take the view that democratic countries are better partners
\nand whatever we can do to encourage the process the better it
\nwill be. We will spend 5 million euros only to monitor the
\nIndonesian election; if that helps a little to ensure a proper
\ntransition to democracy, it is very cheap.<\/p>\n
After these five years of democratic development, do you
\nconsider that democracy has taken root in the country?<\/p>\n
After a transition to democracy, we believe that the second
\nelection is the one that is the most important in the
\nconsolidation of democracy. I hope we will not be here in 2009,
\nit will not be necessary, you would already have a democracy.
\nCertainly it's not our plan to monitor all elections in
\nIndonesia.<\/p>\n
Given this make or break nature of the election runoff, does
\nMonday's poll have greater potential for vote rigging?<\/p>\n
We are well aware of such potential. The possibility of vote
\nrigging could arise from problems that lie in the aggregation of
\nvotes at the subregency (district, subdistrict) level and not at
\nthe polling stations, and that is why we are leaving our long-
\nterm observers in the provinces until the votes get to the
\nsubregency.<\/p>\n
Both campaign teams are as good and as bad as each other and
\nwe have to be aware of the reality that the Nationhood Coalition
\nsupporting (the incumbent) Megawati Soekarnoputri has control
\nover the state machinery at the national down to regental level.<\/p>\n
I am not saying that it is going to happen, but it is easier
\nfor the team and individuals within the campaign team to engage
\nin fraudulent activities, not because they are worse people but
\nbecause they have the opportunity.<\/p>\n
Thus far, have your observers found any indication of misuse
\nof state resources?<\/p>\n
At this stage, nothing systematic has been found. The misuse
\nof state resources will definitely affect the election result,
\nbut that it is one among many factors that have to be taken into
\naccount. I suspect that we are likely to see the same thing
\nhappening again in the runoff. We will closely monitor that.<\/p>\n
Would you say that the contenders have complied with the
\nelection legislation and regulations?<\/p>\n
None of the candidates and their supporters followed the
\nregulations exactly. However, it is acceptable, even in our
\nelections (in Europe) we have complaints. Moreover, there is a
\nsystem that works, supported by the General Elections Commission
\n(KPU), the Panwaslu (General Election Supervisory Committee) and
\nthe police, which uphold the regulations.<\/p>\n
Do you see any possibility of violence following the
\nannouncement of the results?<\/p>\n
I hope not, but it will happen if one party believes that it
\nhas lost unfairly. If the losing party accepts the defeat then it
\nwill be much easier. If there is a dispute that could lead to
\nviolence, the role of foreign observers could be quite important,
\nto come out clearly by saying that that's not the case and it
\nmight help diffuse the situation.<\/p>\n
However, we have reason to be optimistic because there has
\nbeen no violence thus far.<\/p>\n
What about the KPU's performance, do you see any types of
\ninterference in its work?<\/p>\n
I have no view that the KPU was partial towards one candidate
\nover another. They are impartial. There is some degree of
\nincompetence, but that is very much different from partiality.<\/p>\n
Does the KPU show any indications of being biased in favor of
\nPresident Megawati?<\/p>\n
The KPU is not biased in favor of Megawati or they would have
\nmade decisions based on that basis. I think some of their
\ndecisions benefited Megawati, but I don't think there is a plot.
\nThe KPU spent too much time in reaching an agreement with both
\ncampaign teams.
\nWill the corruption allegations against the KPU have any impact
\non its credibility and on the election itself?<\/p>\n
Even if the allegations are true, it will not have an impact
\non the election in the sense that it will be reflected in the
\nelection result. It may be true that someone within the KPU spent
\ntoo much money for the ink, but it will not affect the election.<\/p>\n
If the KPU spent twice what they have should have, then it is
\nan issue of either incompetence or fraud. Even if the KPU is
\ncorrupt, you could still have a valid election.
\nHas the supervisory committee, Panwaslu, lived up to the
\nexpectations of the public?<\/p>\n
In many areas, the Panwaslu has played a very important role.
\nHowever, the lines of responsibility should have been made
\nclearer as there was a certain degree of confusion.<\/p>\n
There should be a clearer mandate for the Panwaslu in the next
\nelection. Panwaslu should also be more proactive, rather than
\njust waiting for complaints. If they see that something is wrong,
\nthen they could investigate at their own initiative.<\/p>",
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