Nip it in the bud!<\/p>\n
The series of violent clashes that broke out on Sunday between
\nsupporters of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI
\nPerjuangan) and the Golkar Party in Singaraja, Bali, raises grave
\nconcerns for a number of reasons.<\/p>\n
First, the clashes happened in Bali, the Island of the Gods,
\nfamous throughout the world for its peaceful, highly-cultured and
\nreligious people. Moreover, the killings took place in a small
\nvillage, Petandakan, some 100 kilometers from the island's
\ncapital Denpasar. According to the official count, at least two
\npeople were killed in the clashes.<\/p>\n
Second, the victims and suspected perpetrators are long-time
\nneighbors in the same village. They probably attended the same
\nreligious ceremonies, and the same community events and
\ncelebrations. Thus, this tightly knit village would not be the
\nfirst place one would expect to find the sort of highly
\npoliticized clashes that are normally associated with the
\ncountry's big cities, places where individualism reigns.<\/p>\n
The violent clashes that shattered traditional Balinese
\ncommunal harmony last Sunday were very much in contrast to the
\nspirit of unity that we witnessed in the aftermath of the Legian-
\nKuta bombings of Oct.12 last year, when more than 200 people were
\nkilled. The terrorist bombings had all the elements necessary to
\nprovoke brutal and violent reprisals in the community.<\/p>\n
The perpetrators were not of the same ethnic group as the
\nmajority of the local population, nor were they of the same
\nreligion. Furthermore, the bombs went off in Bali's nightlife
\ncenter, an area which had for quite some time been very much
\ninternationalized, with the basic tenets of communal life fast
\ndisappearing.<\/p>\n
Yet, immediately after the bombings, concerted efforts were
\nmade by all concerned to avoid the expected violent communal
\nclashes from erupting. The Balinese people, in particular,
\napprehended the dangers of the situation and took genuine and
\nmeaningful initiatives to prevent them. The whole world was able
\nto observe, and appreciate, the strong bonds that held the
\nBalinese people together at that time. As a consequence, little
\nhostility ensued, and no communal clashes erupted after the
\nterrorist bombings.<\/p>\n
No doubt many people in Bali now share the feelings expressed
\nby Bali Police chief Insp. Gen. Made Mangku Pastika when he said
\nthe other day: "I used to be very proud of being a Balinese; now
\nI'm ashamed." Pastika was appointed last year to head the
\ninvestigation into the terrorist bombings and, quite
\nunderstandably, very much feared a backlash.<\/p>\n
So for him, as for many other people who are familiar with
\nBalinese culture and heritage, it is very difficult to understand
\nwhat happened in Petandakan village over the weekend.<\/p>\n
And that incident raises bigger concerns that extend beyond
\nthe shores of Bali. The recent violent clashes on the island are
\nrelated in one way or another to the series of anniversary
\ncelebrations being held by the Golkar Party in Bali, long known
\nas a stronghold of the PDI Perjuangan. These two parties led the
\nfield in the last general election in 1999. Both are the
\nstrongest contenders in the series of general and presidential
\nelections coming up next year.<\/p>\n
The year 2004 will be a unique, unprecedented and highly
\npoliticized year for Indonesia. In April 2004, the general
\nelection will decide the distribution of seats for four different
\nlegislative bodies throughout Indonesia: the House of
\nRepresentatives at the national level, the Regional
\nRepresentatives Council at the national level, local legislative
\nassemblies at the provincial level, and local legislative
\ncouncils at the regency\/municipality level.<\/p>\n
This means that there will be thousands of names of candidates
\nto be selected, and scores of political parties to be chosen
\nfrom. The ballot papers themselves will be more than enough to
\nconfuse the average voter. The system, and the rules and
\nregulations for the general election will not be the same as
\nthose used in previous general elections. Almost everything is
\nnew and also much more complicated than people remember. Mock
\nelections organized by the Center for Electoral Reform (Cetro)
\nacross the country recently have suggested that most people do
\nnot understand how the new electoral system works.<\/p>\n
To further complicate matters, the general election will be
\nfollowed by a two-stage presidential election, which for the
\nfirst time in Indonesian history will be direct. The first round
\nis scheduled for July. If no candidate gains half of the total
\nvotes validly cast, which is highly likely, a second round will
\nbe held in September 2004.<\/p>\n
Indonesian voters, about 145 million of them, will enter a
\nhighly politicized period lasting for at least seven consecutive
\nmonths, starting with the election campaign in March and
\ncontinuing through the second round of the presidential election
\nin September.<\/p>\n
It will be a totally new political experience for Indonesian
\nvoters. Thus, the necessity for rules governing public
\ncampaigning as proposed by President Megawati to the General
\nElections Commission (KPU) last Monday<\/p>\n
This process, which is intended to lead to a more democratic
\nIndonesia, will be exhausting for everybody, and exhausted and
\nconfused people tend to be very sensitive and distrustful.
\nBearing that in mind, Indonesia cannot afford a repeat of the
\nSingaraja clashes, especially next year.<\/p>\n
To avoid that, the government must immediately take resolute
\naction, not only against the perpetrators of the brutal killings,
\nbut also against the members of the political elite who allowed
\nthis kind of violence to happen.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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