New charter tackles Thailand's woes<\/p>\n
By Vikas Bajaj<\/p>\n
BANGKOK, Thailand (AP): A Thai adage has it that the poor fear
\nthe police, the police fear the rich and powerful, and the rich
\nand powerful fear change.<\/p>\n
As Thailand grapples with the worst economic crisis in 15
\nyears, the status quo is running into conflict with
\nconstitutional reforms that could deeply change Thai society --
\nif the rich and powerful allow it.<\/p>\n
Changes will be needed if Thailand is to overcome a malaise of
\nshort-lived governments plagued by corruption and incompetence
\nthat drove Thailand on Aug. 11 to beg US$16 billion in
\ninternational loans to bail out the flagging economy.<\/p>\n
Reformers are placing big hopes in a new constitution put
\nforward by a drafting assembly Aug. 15. It is the first in the 65
\nyears since absolute monarchy ended to have sought grassroots
\nopinion.<\/p>\n
Village meetings, letter-writing campaigns and even computer
\non-line input helped the 99-member drafting panel come up with a
\ncharter that would increase civil liberties and make government
\nmore transparent to root out corruption.<\/p>\n
\"One of the two basic problems in Thai society is the
\npervasive use of personal influence by those in power,\" said
\nPasuk Pongpaichit, an economist at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn
\nUniversity.<\/p>\n
Once-respected institutions like the central bank and civil
\nservice have increasingly suffered from political meddling.<\/p>\n
\"The second problem is the current constitution doesn't
\nguarantee basic human rights and freedom in the sense of the
\nuniversal basic rights,\" Pasuk said.<\/p>\n
But the charter is expected to face tough opposition in
\nParliament, which opens debate on it Sept. 4, due to the vested
\ninterests of politicians who spend heavily on votes to win their
\nseats and view holding office as a chance to grow rich.<\/p>\n
If Parliament rejects the draft, the charter will go to a
\nreferendum. But pessimists believe that the party machines that
\nprofit from the current system will buy votes to defeat it.<\/p>\n
The new charter -- Thailand's 16th -- replaces one enacted by
\nthe last military government, which ruled between 1991 and 1992
\nbefore a mass uprising by the Bangkok middle-class drove it from
\npower.<\/p>\n
Civilian governments since then have bogged down in corruption
\nallegations and economic mismanagement.<\/p>\n
Though few Thais want the military to return to power -- there
\nhave been at least a dozen coups since 1932 -- many are fed up
\nwith the mess of the current system.<\/p>\n
After a de facto currency devaluation in July, Prime Minister
\nChavalit Yongchaiyudh was forced to seek help from the
\nInternational Monetary Fund in the second-largest bailout ever
\nafter Mexico's in 1994.<\/p>\n
The crisis has increased a sense that drastic measures are
\nneeded to put Thailand back on track. Newspapers speculate that
\nif Parliament fails to approve the new constitution, protests
\nwill return to the streets of Bangkok.<\/p>\n
The new charter ensures greater civil rights, sets up
\nmechanisms to monitor politicians and allows more public
\nparticipation in government.<\/p>\n
Yet the draft has been criticized for leaving loopholes for
\ncorrupt politicians.<\/p>\n
The military wields substantial power. It forced the drafting
\nassembly to weaken a clause that would privatize radio and
\ntelevision frequencies, most of which are owned by the armed
\nforces. The military also come out against a provision allowing
\ncitizens to peacefully resist coups.<\/p>\n
Other powerful groups, such as leaders of Chavalit's
\ncoalition, the Buddhist clergy and appointed village leaders have
\ntaken stances against the draft. Many ordinary Thais think that
\nno matter what the constitution says, the status quo will
\nprevail.<\/p>\n
\"It may be written very nicely, but practically it may not be
\neffective,\" said Noppadol Boonyakiet, a homeless person.
\n\"Ordinary people think they will have no rights, as usual.\"
\nAcademics say such apathy and pessimism is partly to blame for
\nthe corrupt, stagnant system.<\/p>\n
\"People must realize their power,\" said Kaewsan Atipho, a law
\nprofessor and one of the charter drafters.<\/p>\n
Thailand was a feudal society until the early 1900s, and class
\ndivisions are still tolerated, with the newly rich taking the
\nplace of the nobility. Though Thailand has laws aplenty, the rich
\nare less likely to be prosecuted and government officials almost
\nnever pay the price for abusing power.<\/p>\n
Thailand's poorest 20 percent have 5.6 percent of the national
\nincome, while and the richest 20 percent have 52.7 percent.<\/p>\n
The economic crisis may be a blessing to the charter. The
\ncurrent government and parliament are so unpopular that they may
\ncommit political suicide by sinking it.<\/p>\n
Sulak Sivaraksa, a prominent social critic, sees the new
\nconstitution as simply a first step toward closing the gap
\nbetween the poor and the powerful.<\/p>\n
\"Once the policeman realizes he doesn't have to be afraid of
\nthose with aristocratic accents, then we're on the right track.\"<\/p>",
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